Evidence Matters Transforming Knowledge

Into Housing and Community

Development Policy

FALL 2010

SUMMER 2016

Neighborhood conditions, including the physical state of housing stock, quality of schools, policing, and other amenities such as recreational options, influence public safety.

In This Issue

Housing, Inclusion, and Public Safety

1Housing, Inclusion,

and Public Safety

People want to live in safe neighbor- addition to the direct impact of a crime

hoods where they are free from

that could result in serious injury or

fear — where they can thrive and

death, can lead to stress and isolation,

reach their full potential. For too many

impair physical and mental health,

Neighborhoods and

people in too many places, crime, even

and diminish school and work perfor-

16Violent Crime

violent crime, is a daily reality, and the

mance.1 The housing and community

threat of crime is ever looming. Low-

development context weighs heavily

income households may struggle more

in achieving a higher level of public

Reducing Offender

than others to find affordable housing

safety. Numerous housing and neigh-

Recidivism and Reconnecting

in safe neighborhoods. The personal

borhood conditions influence public

25

costs of living in a dangerous neighbor-

safety, including the physical quality of

Opportunity Youth

hood are high. Being victim of crime,

the housing stock, policing strategies

witnessing crime, or fearing crime, in

in particular areas, and, significantly,

CONTINUED ON PAGE 3

Message from the

Assistant Secretary

This issue of Evidence Matters discusses issues related to public safety, crime, and inclusion. It considers the broader context of housing and community development for

public safety as well as for those groups communities have historically struggled to

include and support. This issue also examines what research tells us about factors that

contribute to violent crime at the neighborhood level as well as violent crime’s impact

on communities and their residents. These issues are important to understand as HUD

works to ensure that all people can live in safe, supportive, and inclusive communities.

The Office of Policy Development and Research (PD&R) has been closely involved

with research that helps us better understand the effects of crime on neighborhoods.

Launched in the 1990s, the Moving to Opportunity (MTO) demonstration considered how the chance to move to lower-poverty, safer neighborhoods has benefited low-income residents. In addition to recent research showing benefits for children’s adult earnings and educational attainment, MTO documented significant improvements in movers’ physical and mental health. These health benefits were attributed to reductions in stress as families moved to safer neighborhoods; decreased parental stress may be an important mechanism generating the observed improved outcomes for their children.

HUD has taken a number of steps to facilitate inclusive communities. One way is through guidance. In 2011, former HUD

Secretary Shaun Donovan encouraged public housing agencies (PHAs) to provide second chances to formerly incarcerated individuals. In 2015, HUD informed PHAs and other owners of federally assisted housing that they may not evict residents, terminate assistance, or deny applications because of an arrest record: arrests themselves are not evidence of criminal activity. The 2015 guidance also clarified that HUD does not require “one-strike” policies that deny admission to anyone with a criminal record or require automatic eviction if a household member engages in criminal activity in violation of their lease. Instead, in most cases, PHAs and owners can use discretion. And in 2016, HUD clarified that housing providers’ use of criminal history may constitute a fair housing violation if it has a discriminatory impact or a discriminatory intent — and a blanket prohibition on any person with a conviction record constitutes a fair housing violation.

Several HUD programs and resources have supported inclusion and successful reentry. In April 2016, HUD and the U.S.

Department of Justice awarded $1.75 million in grants for the Juvenile Re-entry Assistance Program, which helps justice-involved youth secure jobs and housing. HUD has also partnered with the White House for the Summer Opportunity Project, an interagency initiative that connects youth nationwide with job and education opportunities. In June 2016, HUD

released “It Starts with Housing: Public Housing Agencies Are Making Second Chances Real,” a publication highlighting PHA models that successfully reintegrate formerly incarcerated people into their communities.

Housing and community development are closely linked with crime, public safety, and inclusion. These are just a few examples of ways in which PD&R and HUD are striving to build stronger, safer communities.

— Katherine M. O’Regan, Assistant Secretary for Policy Development and Research

2

Editor’s Note

Crime, public safety, and inclusion, the focus of this edition of Evidence Matters, are issues that are essential to efforts to expand opportunity through housing and community development. Even as crime rates have significantly declined in the United States over the past 20 years, some communities remain disproportionately affected by crime, and some groups of residents are unduly disconnected. Throughout this issue, you will see how strategies, both social and physical, can foster stronger communities, reduce crime, and improve quality of life for all residents.

The lead article, “Housing, Inclusion, and Public Safety,” considers the housing and community development context for public safety and inclusion as well as strategies to improve outcomes for opportunity youth — those youth who are ages 16 to 24 and neither working nor in school — and support reentry for incarcerated persons. The Research Spotlight article,

“Neighborhoods and Violent Crime,” discusses evidence on characteristics linked to violent crime in neighborhoods as well as the effects of violent crime. Finally, the In Practice article, “Reducing Offender Recidivism and Reconnecting Opportunity Youth,” describes three initiatives to find stable housing for former offenders and to provide housing and wraparound services for former foster youth.

We hope this issue of Evidence Matters provides a helpful overview of this important topic. Our next issue will focus on housing, community development, and the digital divide. Please provide feedback on any of our issues at www.huduser.gov/forums.

— Rachelle Levitt, Director of Research Utilization Division

CONTINUED FROM PAGE 1

enhance public safety by addressing the

Highlights

housing and community development

context and by better incorporating

n Crime is related in part to the built environment. The planning subfield

at-risk youth and formerly incarcerated

of crime prevention through environmental design has developed a

individuals.

substantial amount of research on ways in which design elements such

as lighting and opportunities for surveillance can reduce crime.

The Housing and Community

n Public safety is enhanced when people are incorporated into the

Development Context

Although crime and public safety are

social and economic life of the community, including groups that have

concerns for all communities, crime is

traditionally been difficult to incorporate such as opportunity youth and

concentrated in disadvantaged neigh-

former prisoners.

borhoods.3 Research shows that living

n HUD has encouraged public housing agencies to use their discretion

in a disadvantaged neighborhood can

to give second chances to deserving former inmates who show a rea-

increase the risk of a youth or adult

sonable probability of favorable future conduct.

engaging in criminal activity, even after

controlling for individual sociode-

mographic characteristics.4 In other

inclusion, or the extent to which all

societal gains that could be realized if

words, the prevalence of crime in these

residents are included in the life of the

these youth were reconnected. Another

areas is explained in some measure by

community. Inclusion is particularly

group that communities have tradition-

neighborhood disadvantage itself. This

challenging and critical for groups of

ally struggled to include is formerly

finding results in part from disparities

residents that communities histori-

incarcerated individuals. When these

in the physical environment. Older, de-

cally have struggled to include. One

groups are successfully included in

teriorating housing stock, for example,

such group is the roughly 5.5 million

their communities, they are better

increases exposure to lead-based paint,

youth in America between the ages of

able to flourish personally and are less

which has been linked to aggressive

16 and 24 who are neither employed

likely to engage in criminal activity that

and antisocial behavior that sometimes

nor in school.2 These “disconnected

endangers public safety. A number of

results in criminal acts.5 Physical blight,

youth” are also known as “opportunity

evidence-based policy responses at the

as evident in dilapidated housing, is

youth,” reflecting the individual and

federal, state, and local levels seek to

also associated with increased criminal

3

wetlands, or recreational space. A ran-

domized controlled trial of a vacant lot

greening intervention in Philadelphia,

for example, found that greening was

associated with reductions in certain

gun crimes and an increased percep-

tion of safety among residents.14

The relationship between environ-

mental design and crime suggests that

the environment can be designed or

altered in ways that reduce crime.

One planning subfield, crime preven-

tion through environmental design

(CPTED), has developed a substantial

amount of research on the relationship

between environmental design and

public safety. Increasing the level of

surveillance over an area, controlling

access, and establishing clear territorial

boundaries with fences or landscaping

can help reduce crime.15 For instance,

by incorporating lighting and surveil-

Exposure to crime can lead to stress that impairs physical and mental health, including school performance, whereas living in a safe neighborhood positions children to flourish.

lance, limiting possible escape routes,

and promoting high visibility in public

activity. Signs of physical disorder are a

substantial portion of the population

and semipublic spaces, potential

signal to criminals that residents are not

cycles in and out of prisons, social

criminals have fewer opportunities to

invested in a neighborhood and are

networks and institutions are weakened,

conceal activities or evade law enforce-

therefore less likely to report crimes.6

eroding social capital and collec-

ment.16 Increasingly, CPTED also

Similarly, research shows that vacant

tive efficacy, which in turn increases

considers the relationship between the

properties, which often deteriorate in

the likelihood of criminal activity in the

built environment and social factors

physical quality and leave fewer “eyes

neighborhood.12 This dynamic makes

that influence crime, such as how a

on the street,” contribute to increased

the successful reintegration of returning

space can be designed to host festivals

crime, including assault and arson.7

former prisoners — a break in the cycle

and cultural events that foster a strong

Other mechanisms that potentially

of reentry and recidivism — a critical

sense of place and community.17 CPTED

influence criminal behavior in a neigh-

step for improving public safety.

is complex and difficult to evaluate,

borhood context include peer groups;

raising research quality questions and

social interactions; the quality of schools,

Communities can also enhance public

precluding definitive conclusions

police, and other social goods; and the

safety by addressing the environmental

regarding its effectiveness, but several

design of the built environment.8

factors that contribute to crime. Com-

studies find reduced crime and other

bating blight and remediating lead

positive outcomes in places that have

The concentration of crime in disadvan-

contamination address the connection

implemented CPTED interventions.

taged neighborhoods may also reflect

between crime and poor housing qual-

Some questions remain about whether

disparate policing practices.9 In the

ity. Communities may likewise engage

these interventions reduce crime or

absence of effective enforcement,

a range of strategies, including code

simply displace it to other places or

residents may turn to other means of

enforcement, tax foreclosure, land

times.18 More research is needed to bet-

protection. Research by Sobel and Osoba

banking, demolition, neighborhood

ter understand the relative importance

suggests that youth gangs form in such

marketing, and commercial revitaliza-

of individual and environmental factors

areas as a way to protect youth from

tion, among others, to return vacant

as well as how the interaction of these

violent crime.10 In the same places, law

properties to productive use with a

factors causes criminal activity.19

enforcement may focus on low-level,

positive impact on crime.13 Demolition

nonviolent offenses, resulting in high

strategies, which may be necessary in

In practice, Derek J. Paulsen, commis-

rates of arrest and incarceration but

distressed neighborhoods with weak

sioner of planning, preservation, and

diminishing returns in terms of pub-

real estate markets, should include

development for the city of Lexington,

lic safety.11 In neighborhoods where a

plans for reuse such as urban farming,

Kentucky, and professor of justice studies

4

in the College of Justice and Safety at

highlighted the need for a relationship

Throughout the country, police depart-

Eastern Kentucky University, says that

of trust between communities and law

ments have successfully collaborated

most planners, architects, and develop-

enforcement based on a culture of

with community stakeholders in pursuit

ers would agree that crime prevention

transparency and accountability. The

of specific strategies to reduce crime

is related to design and is important,

report emphasizes crime reduction

and revitalize neighborhoods. In Cali-

although not necessarily near the top of

through community policing that

fornia’s East Bay Area, for instance, the

their list of considerations. Much more

builds on community engagement and

community development organization

could be done, he says, to incorporate

avoids tactics that stigmatize certain

Pogo Park, the Richmond Police Depart-

crime prevention into the design of new

groups and can result in disparate

ment, and the city housing director

housing developments and in municipal

outcomes for those groups.21 Defined

partnered to facilitate a community-

planning. To this end, the Lexington-

as a philosophy promoting strategies

informed cleanup of a park and

Fayette Urban County government now

based on the proactive use of partner-

renovation of surrounding vacant

integrates crime prevention into its

ships and problem-solving techniques

properties along with the reoccupa-

comprehensive plan. Police sign off on

to address the immediate precondi-

tion of a home that had been a center

development plans just as a fire marshal

tions of crime and social disorder,

of drug activity in a crime hotspot.

does in most jurisdictions, allowing po-

community policing improves on

The park area has enjoyed a dramatic

lice to have input on the design of areas

“the traditional policing model that

reduction in crime and now serves

for which they will later be held respon-

emphasized preventive patrol, rapid

as a community meeting place and

sible for preventing and responding to

response, arrests, and investigations.”

the distribution center for the school

crime. Paulsen points out that designing

Scheider recommends community

district’s free summer lunch program.23

for crime prevention could also be re-

policing specifically for public housing

Although evaluating the effectiveness of

quired in applications for federal funding,

agencies as well as for municipalities.

community policing generally is difficult

such as low-income housing tax credits.20

Public housing agencies could iden-

because strategies and implementation

tify criminal justice-related problems

vary across sites, meta-analysis by Gill

Policing can prevent crime and

specific to their context, such as drug

et al. finds that community policing

promote public safety, ideally without

and alcohol violations or the reentry

improves the perception of safety, citizen

excessive arrests and incarcerations.

of former prisoners, and collaborate

satisfaction, and trust of police, although

The final report of the President’s

with relevant stakeholders to develop

it does not find significant reductions in

Task Force on 21st Century Policing

solutions.22

crime or the fear of crime overall.24

Lighting is among the design elements addressed by the planning approach known as crime prevention through environmental design, or CPTED.

5

Strategies such as vacant lot greening and community gardens can enhance public safety.

Communities can also address low-level

Beyond the formal structure of a

community development factors that

crime through community courts that

community court, research shows that

influence crime. These programs take a

involve residents in identifying public

communities with strong social ties

holistic approach to community revital-

safety concerns, administer justice

and a willingness to intervene on each

ization, crossing policy sectors such as

through service assignments, and offer

other’s behalf can reduce violence, even

housing and education in ways that are

social services to address the causes of

in severely disadvantaged areas.29

relevant for addressing risk factors for

crime.25 Some community courts have

crime, such as youth disconnection.31

been initiated by court systems, others

Finally, research shows that providing

For example, in San Antonio, Texas, a

by mayors or city prosecutors, and

affordable housing — particularly sup-

Choice Neighborhoods implementation

still others by community activists, but a

portive housing that offers onsite services

grant and a Promise Neighborhoods

common feature of these efforts is com-

for substance abuse, employment, or

implementation grant combined invest-

munity engagement and responsiveness.26 other needs — for populations at risk

ment in housing, education, and job

A few evaluations of community courts

of criminal justice involvement, such

training in the EastPoint neighborhood,

have found reduced levels of certain

as chronically homeless and formerly

better enabling the neighborhood to

crimes in the community, reduced

incarcerated individuals, reduces the

incorporate all residents into commu-

recidivism, speedier resolution of cases,

likelihood of future incarceration and

nity life and, as a result, reducing the

increased use of alternatives to incarcera-

associated public costs. The Justice

risk factors associated with criminal

tion, and improved public perceptions

Policy Institute finds that states that

activity.32

of safety and criminal justice, but more

spend more on housing generally have

rigorous studies are needed to confirm

lower incarceration rates and suggests

Opportunity Youth

that these benefits can be attributed

that investing in affordable and sup-

Neighborhoods can become safer as

in full or in part to the courts.27 Critics

portive housing gives people a stable

they more fully incorporate all of their

caution that the presence of community

foundation for education, employment,

residents into the social and economic

courts might encourage law enforce-

and services, including those in groups

life of the community, including oppor-

ment to charge low-level offenders that

at higher risk for criminal activity.30 Co-

tunity youth — those between the ages

they otherwise would not, and further,

ordinated place-based investments such

of 16 and 24 who are neither employed

that the community courts might per-

as Choice Neighborhoods and Promise

nor in school. For opportunity youth,

petuate the racial biases of the broader

Zones also seek to improve public safety reconnecting with school or employ-

court system if not implemented well.28

by addressing the various housing and

ment holds the promise of increasing

6

their income, having a better quality

Racial minorities are disproportionately

with disconnection. Places that score

of life, and avoiding involvement with

disconnected. Rates of disconnection

low on the American Human Develop-

the criminal justice system. Because

are 27.8 percent for Native American

ment Index, a composite measure of

opportunity youth are four times more

youth; 21.6 percent for African-American

health, education, and income indicators,

likely than other youth to commit

youth; 16.3 percent for Latino youth;

tend to have high rates of disconnec-

crimes, with an estimated 63 percent of

7.9 percent for Asian-American youth;

tion. Areas with high rates of adult

youth crime attributable to opportunity

and 11.3 percent for white youth,

unemployment and low levels of adult

youth, reconnecting these youth with

who make up the largest number of

educational achievement also tend to

school or employment may also result

opportunity youth at about 2.5 mil-

have high rates of youth disconnection,

in substantial gains in public safety and

lion. Although young men are more

suggesting that disconnected parents

associated reductions in public spend-

likely to be disconnected overall

have difficulty supporting their chil-

ing.33 At the societal level, researchers

(14.2% of young men and 13.5% of

dren in employment and educational

estimate that, in 2011 dollars, each

young women are disconnected),

achievement. Finally, disconnection for

opportunity youth generates a direct

among Latinos and Asian Americans,

some racial groups is strongly associat-

taxpayer burden of $170,740 and a

young women are more likely to be

ed with residential segregation, a legacy

social burden of $529,030 between the

disconnected than young men.39

of discriminatory practices and policies

ages of 25 and 65. These calculations

that include redlining and restrictive

account for added public costs for social

Significant variation in the rates of

covenants. Lewis and Burd-Sharps find

services as well as unrealized tax reve-

disconnection exists across metro-

that the higher the degree of segrega-

nues, earnings, and economic growth.34

politan areas. Many characteristics of

tion between African American and

The extent of the burden reflects the

disadvantaged neighborhoods that are

white populations in an area, the higher

extent of the opportunity. Everyone

associated with the geographic con-

the likelihood of African-American

stands to gain from the full engagement

centration of crime are also associated

disconnection.40

of the nation’s opportunity youth.

Youth may become disconnected for

many reasons, and several factors may

be both a cause and consequence of

disconnection.35 Causes of disconnection

from school include a history of aca-

demic difficulties or failure; a history

of discipline or behavior issues; chronic

absenteeism, which may be associated

with homelessness or health issues; a

lack of parental support; the premature

assumption of adult responsibilities;

peer influences; poor school quality;

and disaffection with school faculty,

structure, or curriculum, among other

factors.36 Differences among opportu-

nity youth compared with connected

youth provide additional insight into

the reasons why youth become discon-

nected. Those differences include a

higher likelihood of living in poverty,

having left high school without gradu-

ating or having high school as their

highest academic credential, and having

a disability. Disconnected females are

more than three times as likely to have

a child.37 Teen parents, foster youth,

and youth involved with the criminal

justice system are at higher risk of dis-

connection than are other youth.38

Washington University Medical Center Redevelopment Corporation

Surveillance, lighting, limited escape routes, and high visibility of public and semipublic spaces can help restrict opportunities for potential criminals to conceal activities or evade law enforcement.

7

Housing instability is both a cause and a

n Improve access to high-opportunity neigh-

programs, both public and private (and

consequence of disconnection. It can lead

borhoods. Youth stand to benefit from

often in partnership), seek to engage

to youth disconnection by contributing

mobility programs that provide housing

youth with education and employment

to increased rates of school absenteeism

support, such as vouchers that enable

opportunities. In a recent effort to

and interaction with the criminal justice

households to move to high-opportunity facilitate collaboration in service of

system, among other pathways. Some

neighborhoods, the siting of affordable opportunity youth, the Consolidated

opportunity youth may already have

housing in high-opportunity neighbor-

Appropriations Act of 2014 provided

experienced homelessness, and op-

hoods, and place-based strategies that

for up to 10 Performance Partnership

portunity youth are at heightened risk

increase opportunities in historically

Pilots. The pilots are designed to help

of experiencing homelessness in the

disadvantaged neighborhoods.49

youth ages 14 to 24 who are homeless,

future.41 A study of incarcerated youth

in the juvenile justice system, or discon-

of color in New York City found that

n Support the creation of “Identity Projects.”

nected achieve their educational and

“housing instability was by far the strongest

DeLuca et al. find that identity

employment goals. The program allows

correlate of social exclusion.”42 Al-

projects, described by the authors as

grantees to pool funds across federal

though difficult to definitively quantify,

a “consuming, defining passion” that

funding streams, affording them the

a report by the Congressional Research

can range from an academic interest

flexibility to reduce administrative

Service suggests that a “significant

or passion for football to a meaning-

burdens and overlap in programs to

share” of youth who are ages 16 to 24 and

ful job or role such as parenting,

more efficiently and effectively invest in

experiencing homelessness would meet

can help youth become and remain

needed services for opportunity youth.52

the definition of being disconnected.43

engaged and connected. They sug-

Of 39 directors of local programs

gest restoring funding for institutions

The Family Unification Program (FUP),

serving opportunity youth surveyed by

such as public schools and other

which provides housing vouchers for

the U.S. Government Accountability

local government entities to support

up to 18 months for youth who have

Office, 24 reported insufficient hous-

arts programs, extracurricular activi-

aged out of foster care, and the John

ing options for youth.44 Generally,

ties, and other types of programming H. Chafee Foster Care Independence

policies that reduce family and youth

that foster identity projects. They also

Program, which can provide housing

homelessness would provide more

point out that nonprofits have an

support for 18- to 21-year-olds who have

youth with a platform for engagement

important role to play in supporting

aged out of care, promote housing stabil-

with school and employment, and

venues in which identity projects are

ity for a subpopulation of youth at high

some policies target groups at higher-

likely to take root.50

risk of disconnection. HUD and the U.S.

than-average risk of disconnection, such

Department of Health and Human

as former foster youth.45

n Support youth in their pursuit of

Services have also launched a FUP and

postsecondary opportunities. DeLuca

Family Self Sufficiency (FSS) Demon-

Because of the high rate of criminal

et al. suggest that youth at risk of

stration that extends the 18-month time

activity among opportunity youth com-

disconnection benefit from supports

limit for FUP vouchers and pairs them

pared with other youth, policies that

that allow them to slow the transition

with FSS program and public child welfare

support youth engagement also affect

to adulthood, make better decisions

agency services to give former foster

public safety.46 Ideally, these policies

regarding their future, and prepare

youth more time to develop the skills

would prevent youth from becoming

them for postsecondary opportuni-

needed to become self-sufficient.53 The

disconnected in the first place. Initia-

ties. Supports include school and

Chafee program builds on the housing

tives aimed at certain risk factors such

career counseling for a full range

platform, providing up to $5,000 per

as housing instability or criminal justice

of options, from 4-year college to

year for youth to pursue postsecond-

involvement create conditions that make it

employment. Youth should receive

ary education and training through

more likely that youth remain connected.47

support to help them choose pro-

the Educational and Training Vouchers

Policymakers at the state and local levels

grams that they can complete, are of

Program for Youths Aging Out of

have implemented alternative education

good value, and do not leave them

Foster Care.54

models for at-risk youth such as online

burdened with unmanageable debt.51

learning or offsite classrooms to stem

Federal programs that offer employ-

school dropout rates.48 Based on their

Although prevention is preferable,

ment opportunities coupled with

study of youth in Baltimore who spent

other policies target youth who have

education and training include the

their early years living in distressed public

already become disconnected, seeking

U.S. Department of Labor’s Job Corps

housing, DeLuca, Clampet-Lundquist,

to reengage youth with education and

and YouthBuild programs, the U.S.

and Edin highlight several possibilities for

training opportunities that prepare

Department of Defense’s National

reducing youth disconnection, the first

them for employment or that employ

Guard Youth ChalleNGe program, and

category of which centers on housing.

youth directly. A range of policies and

the various service programs of the

8

Los Angeles Economic & Workforce Development Department

Summer employment programs help keep youth connected. In 2015, Health Care Integrated Services hired several youth as part of the HIRE LA’s Youth program in Los Angeles.

Corporation for National Community

youth, an evaluation finds that partici-

In Washington, DC, the demonstration

Service such as AmeriCorps. Job Corps

pants are more likely to graduate from

included a Promoting Adolescent Sexual

is a residential education and training

high school or complete a GED and

Health and Safety program aimed

program for low-income youth that has

have lower recidivism rates.56 Finally, a

at decreasing teen pregnancy, a risk

increased rates of General Educational

random assignment design evaluation

factor associated with youth disconnec-

Development (GED) and vocational

finds that the National Guard Youth

tion. Early evaluations of the program

certification attainment and reduced

ChalleNGe program’s education and

found that residents reported that they

rates of arrest and incarceration. In

employment supports have been suc-

felt better able to achieve their goals; in

YouthBuild, high school dropouts

cessful in increasing GED completion,

addition, employment rates improved,

split their time between education

college attendance, and employment,

keeping more youth connected and thus

toward a GED and working to renovate

helping youth to reconnect.57

at lower risk for criminal activity.59

affordable housing for low-income

individuals and persons experiencing

One example of a public-private part-

Some private-sector entities have rec-

homelessness. Studies of the program

nership to reduce disconnection, the

ognized the potential of reconnecting

over several years show mixed results

Housing Opportunity and Services

opportunity youth. The 100,000 Oppor-

but generally find positive outcomes

Together Demonstration, offers supports

tunities Initiative is an employer-led push

for those who completed the pro-

such as wraparound and case manage-

to create at least 100,000 opportunities

gram.55 An offshoot of this program,

ment services to low-income parents and

in the form of jobs, apprenticeships,

the YouthBuild USA Offender Project,

children in federally assisted housing to

and internships to opportunity youth

targets young adults who have served

help them overcome barriers to self-suf-

by 2018. The initiative is managed by

time in jail or prison or who have been

ficiency. One of the initiative’s goals is to

FSG and the Aspen Institute’s Forum

referred to the program by the crimi-

reduce neighborhood crime by engaging

for Community Solutions, with support

nal justice system as an alternative to

youth. The demonstration relies on phil-

from several private foundations and a

incarceration. Comparing program

anthropic and government funding and

partnership of nearly 40 employers.60

participants with similar groups of

has been implemented in four sites.58

Such employer-led engagement not

9

only creates opportunities for youth

them with opportunities to earn money

Supporting Reentry for For-

but also fills employers’ need for non-

and develop skills. In February 2016,

merly Incarcerated Individuals

managerial employees and, through

the White House announced the Summer

Formerly incarcerated individuals rep-

additional training such as internships

Opportunity Project, which supports local resent a second group whose successful

and apprenticeships, middle-skill labor.61

communities in providing evidence-based

inclusion promises to enhance public

opportunity programs and employment

safety as well as improve their life op-

As discussed above, male and minority

for youth, with the expected additional

portunities and outcomes. In the case

youth are disproportionately represented

benefit of reduced criminal involvement. of some violent criminals, public safety

among opportunity youth. In response,

Program components include facilitat-

requires their removal from society.

the Obama administration’s My Broth-

ing partnerships between state and

When sentences are completed or pris-

er’s Keeper initiative targets boys and

local youth-serving organizations with

oners are otherwise released, however,

young men of color with supports to

employers, dissemination of best prac-

they need a place to live. In an era of

overcome opportunity barriers through

tices for youth summer programming,

mass incarceration, with as many as

mentoring, education, and partnerships

and support for mentoring, among

2.3 million individuals incarcerated

with police and communities to reduce

others. The HIRE LA’s Youth initiative,

in correctional facilities, more than

crime and violence. The My Brother’s

for example, has a goal of hiring 15,000

600,000 individuals are released from

Keeper Task Force recommended in-

youth for 6-week summer jobs, targeting

state and federal prisons each year.63

vestment in summer youth employment

youth from families receiving public

Millions more — nearly 12 million —

as a way to keep youth engaged during

assistance, foster youth, and youth expe-

exit local jails each year.64 Many of these

summer breaks as well as presenting

riencing homelessness.62

individuals were incarcerated for non-

violent offenses, usually drug-related,

and viable alternatives to incarceration

may be effective for them.65 Whatever

their offense, formerly incarcerated

people often struggle to successfully

reintegrate into society. Although

recidivism rates vary depending on

whether they are measured by rearrest,

reconviction, or reincarceration, they

are high. Approximately 45 percent of

individuals released from state and fed-

eral prisons are reincarcerated within 3

years of release, either for new crimes

or for parole or probation violations.66

Addressing reentry problems begins

with addressing the underlying causes

of mass incarceration. Although the

number of incarcerated individuals has

increased fivefold since 1970, the crime

rate has declined. Yet researchers at-

tribute only a portion of the decrease

in crime to enforcement and incarcera-

tion, suggesting diminishing returns

from incarceration on crime reduction.67

In response, the Obama administra-

tion has pursued new strategies, such as

enforcing mandatory minimum sen-

tences for nonviolent drug offenses less

frequently. For the first time in four

decades, crime rates and incarceration

rates are declining at the same time.68

New and ongoing reforms are also

Los Angeles Economic & Workforce Development Department

Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti has set a goal of connecting 15,000 youth with summer jobs. Miyetta Angol needed to address racial disparities in

was hired by 7-11 in 2016 and will have access to its corporate training program.

criminal justice, particularly for African

10

Access to stable housing can improve health, employment, and recidivism outcomes for reentering prisoners.

Americans, that “result from disparate

consistency while avoiding the dangers

Education’s Adult Reentry Education

treatment…at every stage of the crimi-

and difficulties of homelessness.73 Job

Grants and the U.S. Department

nal justice system, including stops and

seekers need a permanent address and

of Labor’s Linking to Employment

searches, arrests, prosecutions and

a means of contacting and receiving

Activities Pre-Release pilot grants, as

plea negotiations, trials, and sentenc-

contact from prospective employers.74

well as initiatives related to housing.77

ing.”69 Together, African Americans

A quasi-experimental, longitudinal,

The U.S. Department of Health and

and Latinos make up approximately 30

multisite evaluation of the Washington

Human Services sponsored the En-

percent of the general population but

State Reentry Housing Pilot Program,

hanced Services for the Hard-to-Employ

60 percent of the prison population.70

which provides up to 12 months of

Demonstration and Evaluation Project.

housing and wraparound services to

The demonstration tested the effective-

Access to Housing Improves Inclusion and

high-risk offenders leaving prison, finds

ness of an intervention that included

Reduces Recidivism. Housing is an im-

that housing with wraparound services

temporary jobs and other services

mediate need for individuals newly

increases the likelihood of successful

to support job prospects compared

released from prison. Research shows

reintegration.75 Programs tailored for

with basic job search assistance and

that former prisoners are at elevated

subgroups of former prisoners have

community services. A random as-

risk of homelessness.71 Barriers to hous-

also shown success. A quasi-experimental

signment evaluation of one of the

ing include the general shortage of

design evaluation of the Returning

demonstration sites, the Center for

affordable housing across much of

Home–Ohio program, which provides

Employment Opportunities in New

the country as well as challenges spe-

supportive housing for reentering

York City, found significant reduc-

cific to ex-offenders, such as criminal

individuals from 13 state prisons who

tions in recidivism, especially among

background checks. Stable housing

have behavioral health disabilities and

those who enrolled in the program

can be a platform for inclusion and

risk for or history of housing insta-

shortly after release from prison,

for better outcomes for reentering

bility, found reductions in rearrests

and reduced criminal justice system

prisoners, including health, employ-

and reincarcerations within 1 year

expenditures.78

ment, and the reduced likelihood of

of release (see “Reducing Offender

recidivism. It can also reduce recidi-

Recidivism and Reconnecting Oppor-

Opportunities in Federally Assisted

vism and its associated social costs

tunity Youth,” p. 25).76

Housing. HUD has taken steps to

and improve public safety for the

reduce barriers to former prisoners in

receiving community.72 Safe, stable,

Recently, the Obama administration has

both public housing and the private

and affordable housing can be a refuge

launched several initiatives to help

market. In public housing and in the

and base while seeking employment or

former prisoners reintegrate success-

Housing Choice Voucher (HCV) pro-

focusing on treatment, and it provides

fully, such as the U.S. Department of

gram, public housing agencies (PHAs)

11

enforce restrictions related to alcohol

goals to support ex-offenders and their

or evictions triggered “any time a house-

abuse, drug use, and past criminal

families.” For example, the exclusion

hold member engages in criminal

activity to make public housing safer for

of households from public housing

activity in violation of their lease” in all

residents. Federal policies require

based on the criminal history of minors

circumstances. Significantly, the guid-

PHAs to enforce a lifetime ban on ad-

or guests may harm families’ chances

ance also explicitly prohibits eviction

mission to public housing and the HCV

of getting or retaining housing.81

or denial of an application based on an

program for individuals who, for example,

arrest record, which the guidance notes

have been found to have manufac-

Marie Claire Tran-Leung of the Sargent

is not in itself evidence of criminal

tured methamphetamine in federally

Shriver National Center on Poverty

activity.84

assisted housing or are sex offenders

Law argues that inquiring into criminal

subject to a lifetime registration require-

records older than five years, using

Reunification with one’s family can be

ment. PHAs also prohibit admission

arrests as evidence of criminal activ-

an important step in successful reentry

to households if at least one household

ity, using overly broad categories of

for formerly incarcerated individuals,

member has been evicted from public

criminal activity, and failing to consider

including avoiding homelessness, but

housing in the past three years for drug

mitigating circumstances are ways in

moving back in with a family in public

use, if a household member is engaged

which PHAs unreasonably restrict

housing may put that family at risk of

in criminal activity, or if the PHA has

access to housing assistance. Blunt

losing assistance.85 Margaret diZerega

reason to believe that a household

implementation of policies precludes

of the Vera Institute for Justice says that

member’s criminal activity will threaten

second chances for individuals who

adjusting the rules so that reentering

the health and safety of other residents.

have a criminal record and individuals

individuals can return to their families

Within these guidelines, PHAs exercise

whose past gives little indication that

“above board” benefits the individual,

broad discretion in applying criminal his-

they pose a threat to residents. Tran-

the family, and the community at large.

tory restrictions to respond to local crime Leung writes, “By relegating potentially

The individual is able to take advan-

conditions and individual cases, and

deserving applicants to homelessness,

tage of the resources and emotional

their restrictions are often more severe

these housing providers miss an op-

supports that can be provided by the

than those required by federal policies.79

portunity to decrease crime and risk

family without putting the receiving

aggravating the very problems that

family at risk of eviction. In addition,

In 2011, HUD’s then-Secretary, Shaun

plague the safety and well-being of

because families who take in reentering

Donovan, and Assistant Secretary for

their communities.”82

individuals off lease may be less likely

Public and Indian Housing Sandra

to call the police to report crime or call

Henriquez encouraged PHAs to give

HUD has sought to ease the impact of

the PHA for maintenance for fear that

second chances to deserving ex-offend-

PHA policies on former prisoners and

they will be evicted, allowing families to

ers by, among other things, considering

especially on their families, seeking to

add reentering individuals to their lease

promises community benefits as well.86

Reunification with one’s family can be an

Although diZerega notes that many

PHAs have not implemented the HUD

important step in successful reentry for

guidance, the Vera Institute for Justice

reports that some PHAs are begin-

formerly incarcerated individuals, including ning to adopt more inclusive policies

avoiding homelessness.

through updated screening policies

that evaluate applicants’ criminal

records holistically and consider evi-

factors that indicate “reasonable prob-

strike “a balance between allowing

dence of rehabilitation, among other

ability of favorable future conduct,”

ex-offenders to reunite with families

factors.87 The King County and Seattle

such as participation in counseling

that live in HUD subsidized housing,

Housing Authorities, for example, have

programs when screening applicants

and ensuring the safety of all residents

revised their voucher screening policies

for tenancy.80 Curtis et al. write that

of its programs,” as Donovan and Hen-

to incorporate a uniform 12-month

despite this urging from HUD, PHAs

riquez put it.83 To this end, in fall 2015,

waiting period after incarceration for

have tended to use their discretion to

HUD issued guidance for PHAs and

Class A felonies, replacing the previous

exclude. They argue that “the decision

owners of federally assisted housing re-

system of waiting periods ranging up

to define those with alcohol, drug, or

garding use of arrest records in tenancy

to 20 years depending on the crime

criminal histories as categorically

decisions. The guidance reminds PHAs

committed.88 Some PHAs are experi-

undeserving [of housing assistance] un-

that HUD does not require a “one-strike”

menting with pilot programs aimed at

dermines other important public policy

policy under which admission is denied

family reunification. For example, the

12

New York City Housing Authority

HUD has encouraged public housing agencies to give second chances to deserving ex-offenders who need housing assistance.

Oakland Housing Authority’s Maxi-

federal prisons live in halfway houses

community and face reentry challeng-

mizing Opportunities for Mothers to

known as Residential Reentry Centers.

es.96 A number of reentering individuals

Succeed program sets aside 11 housing

In some cases, high-risk offenders are

find housing in three-quarters houses,

units for mothers leaving jail who have

required to reside in halfway houses.91

typically homes or apartment build-

participated in a counseling, education,

Halfway houses are low-security, correc-

ings that rent beds to single adults.

and employment assistance program.

tional, transitional residential facilities

These facilities are largely unregulated,

After a year of case management, the

that typically offer employment, educa-

although they receive public dollars

residents can apply for permanent

tion, and treatment with supervision.92

through various residents’ benefits for

housing without having their conviction

Research shows mixed results for half-

housing or other services. Because of

held against them. The housing agency

way houses in reducing recidivism, with

their unregulated status, the John Jay

plans an extension of the program that studies finding increased recidivism in

College of Criminal Justice Prisoner

will also include fathers leaving jail.89

some cases.93 These outcomes may be

Reentry Institute finds that most fail

For more examples, see “Reducing

related to differences in “staff compe-

to deliver on purported programming

Offender Recidivism and Reconnecting

tency and turnover, clientele, [and]

and services to aid the transition of

Opportunity,” p. 25.

program offerings,” among other vari-

reentering individuals.97

ables across halfway houses, which are

Halfway Houses. These policies aim to

often operated by private contractors.94

Supportive Housing. Recognizing that

open up housing opportunities for

“a significant number of persons in the

formerly incarcerated prisoners, most

To improve the likelihood of success-

reentry population also face persistent

of whom live with family members after

ful outcomes for residents of federal

substance abuse and other chronic

release, although often only temporar-

halfway houses, the U.S. Department

health challenges,” HUD and DOJ are

ily. In addition to HUD-assisted and

of Justice (DOJ) initiated new require-

partnering in a Pay for Success pro-

private-market housing, options for

ments in 2014 for greater assistance

gram targeting people experiencing

reentering individuals include various

in pursuing job opportunities, such as

homelessness who are frequent users of

types of transitional, administered,

access to cell phones and transporta-

corrections facilities as well as homeless

supportive, and community-based cor-

tion as well as specialized treatment

and healthcare services. Building on

rectional housing, including halfway

for residents with mental health and

evidence that permanent supportive

houses, but these options are all severely

substance abuse issues.95 DOJ urges in-

housing with a Housing First approach

limited, putting reentering persons

dividualized continuity of care for re-

reduces homelessness, arrests, hospital-

at high risk of homelessness.90 More

entering citizens as they seek housing,

ization, and emergency room visits

than 80 percent of individuals exiting

employment, and health care in the

for people with severe medical and

13

behavioral problems, the $8.7 million

of social and supportive services, will

“Social Mechanisms of Community Influences on

program will test the cost-effectiveness

play a crucial role in providing hous-

Crime and Pathways in Criminality,” in Causes of Con-

duct Disorder and Juvenile Delinquency, eds. Benjamin

of the intervention for reentering indi-

ing opportunities to achieve these

B. Lahey, Terrie E. Moffitt, and Avshalom Caspi, New

viduals and the possibilities of bringing

potential gains.

York: Guilford Press, 118–21.

20 Interview with Derek J. Paulsen, 18 May 2016.

in nontraditional funding sources.98

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22

Platform for Public Safety

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2 Kristen Lewis and Sarah Burd-Sharps. 2015. “Zero-

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ing In on Place and Race: Youth Disconnection in

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24 Charlotte Gill, David Weisburd, Cody W. Telep, Zoe

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25 Gould Ellen, 324–5.

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26

4 Sciandra, et al.

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5 Jessica Wolpaw Reyes. 2007. “Environmental Policy

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Exposure on Crime,” National Bureau of Economic Kelli Henry and Dana Kralstein. 2011. “Community

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6 Ingrid Gould Ellen. n.d. “Crime and Community

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28

Communities, 323–4.

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29 Robert Sampson, Stephen Raudenbush, and Felton

effective and equitable approaches and

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31 U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Devel-

help improve public safety. Specifically,

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32

10 Russell S. Sobel and Brian J. Osoba. 2009. “Youth

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33 Clive R. Belfield and Henry M. Levin. 2012. “The

in housing design have the potential

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11 Leovy.

and Rachel Rosen. 2012. The Economic Value of Op-

12

housing provides a platform for at-risk

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residents, including opportunity youth

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and formerly incarcerated individuals,

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35 Lewis and Burd-Sharps.

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36 Amy Barad and Debra Vaughan. 2014. “High School

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38 John Bridgeland and Tess Mason-Elder. 2012.

14

or employment. For formerly incarcer-

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40 Ibid., 15–7.

15

that break the cycles of recidivism

National Crime Prevention Council. 2003. Crime Pre-

41 Bridgeland and Mason-Elder, 7–8.

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42 Megha Ramaswamy and Nicholas Freudenberg. 2012.

16 Paul Michael Cozens, Greg Saville, and David Hillier.

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43 Adrienne L. Fernandes-Alcantara. 2015. “Discon-

17 Paul Cozens and Terence Love. 2015. “A Review

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and Current Status of Crime Prevention through

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Literature 30:4.

44

HCVs, and market-rate landlords,

U.S. Government Accountability Office. 2008. Discon-

18 Cozens, Saville, and Hillier.

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sometimes in partnership with providers

19 Per-Olof H. Wikström and Robert J. Sampson. 2003.

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14

to Education and Employment. Government Account-

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83 Donovan and Henriquez.

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84 U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development

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51 Ibid., 192–8.

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85 Vera Institute. 2015. “Public Housing for People with

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67 Oliver Roeder, Lauren-Brooke Eisen, and Julia Bowl-

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9 June 2016; Michael R. Pergamit, Marla McDaniel,

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72 Jocelyn Fontaine and Jennifer Biess. 2012. “Housing

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55 Andrew Wiegand, Michelle Manno, Sengsouvanh

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Heather Lewis-Charp, Castle Sinicrope, Mika Clark,

73 Faith E. Lutze, Jeffrey W. Rosky, and Zachary K. Ham-

92 Clark.

and Brandon Nicholson. 2015. “Adapting to Local

ilton. 2014. “Homelessness and Reentry: A Multisite

93

Context: Findings from the YouthBuild Evaluation

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56 Mark A. Cohen and Alex R. Piquero. 2015. “Benefits

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74 Elizabeth Gaynes. 2005. “Reentry: Helping Former

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Carly R. Knight. 2010. “Evaluation of the Ridge

57 Bridgeland and Mason-Elder, 19–20; Megan Millenky,

75 Lutze et al., 476.

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76 Jocelyn Fontaine. 2013. “The Role of Supportive

partment of Justice; Edward J. Latessa, Lori Brusman

2011. “Staying on Course: Three-Year Results of

Housing in Successful Reentry Outcomes for Dis-

Lovins, and Paula Smith. 2010. “Follow-up Evaluation

the National Guard Youth ChalleNGe Evaluation,”

abled Prisoners,” Cityscape 15:3, 53.

of Ohio’s Community Based Correctional Facility and

MDRC, iii.

77 “Fact Sheet: President Obama Announces New Ac-

Halfway House Programs — Outcome Study.”

58 U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Develop-

tions to Promote Rehabilitation and Reintegration

94

ment. “The Housing Opportunity and Services To-

Clark.

for the Formerly- Incarcerated.”

gether (HOST) Demonstration” (www.huduser.gov/

95 U.S. Department of Justice. 2014. “In New Step to

78 Cindy Redcross, Megan Millenky, Timothy Rudd, and

portal/pdredge/pdr_edge_hudpartrpt_021012_1.

Fight Recidivism, Attorney General Holder Announc-

Valerie Levshin. 2012. More than a Job: Final Results

html). Accessed 19 May 2016.

from the Evaluation of the Center for Employment Opportu-

es Justice Department to Require Federal Halfway

59 Urban Institute. 2014. “Best and Promising Practices:

nities (CEO) Transitional Jobs Program, Washington, DC:

Houses to Boost Treatment Services for Inmates Prior

Housing Opportunities and Services (HOST) Dem-

Office of Planning, Research and Evaluation, Admin-

to Release: New Rules Also Instruct Federal Halfway

onstration.”

istration for Children and Families, U.S. Department

Houses to Provide Transportation Assistance, Cell

60 100,000 Opportunities Initiative. “Employers:

of Health and Human Services, v.

Phone Access in Order to Help Inmates Seek Employ-

Tapping into an overlooked source of talent”

ment Opportunities, ” 24 March press release.

79 Shaun Donovan and Sandra B. Henriquez, letter to

(www.100kopportunities.org/employers/). Accessed

Public Housing Authority Executive Directors, 17

96 U.S. Department of Justice. 2016. Roadmap to Reentry.

31 August 2016.

June 2011; Marah A. Curtis, Sarah Garlington, and

97 John Jay College of Criminal Justice, Prisoner Reentry

61 Bridgeland and Mason-Elder, 24.

Lisa S. Schottenfeld. “Alcohol, Drug, and Criminal

Institute. 2013. “Three Quarter Houses: The View

62 White House. 2016. “Fact Sheet: White House An-

History Restrictions in Public Housing,” Cityscape

from the Inside, ” v–vi.

nounces New Summer Opportunity Project.”

15:3, 38.

98 U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Develop-

63 White House. 2015. “Fact Sheet: President Obama

80 Donovan and Henriquez.

ment. 2015. “Pay for Success Permanent Supportive

Announces New Actions to Promote Rehabilitation

81 Curtis et al., 38–40.

Housing Demonstration.”

15

Research Spotlight

Highlights

n Rates of violent crime in the United States have declined significantly

over the past two decades, but disparities persist.

Neighborhoods

n Exposure to violent crime damages the health and development of

and Violent Crime

victims, family members, and entire communities. Low-income people

and racial and ethnic minorities are disproportionately affected.

n Violent crime is geographically concentrated in particular neighborhoods

Violent crime wreaks a terrible im-

pact not only on individual victims,

and in more localized areas known as hot spots; evidence suggests

their families, and friends but also on

that problem-oriented policing of hot spots can be effective.

nearby residents and the fabric of their

n Strong social organization, youth job opportunities, immigration, and

neighborhoods.1 Exposure to violent

residential stability are among several neighborhood characteristics

crime can damage people’s health and

associated with lower crime rates.

development,2 and violence can push

communities into vicious circles of de-

cay. Rates of violent crime in the United

States have declined significantly over

The Extent of Violent Crime No consensus exists on a single cause

the past 20 years. Disadvantaged neigh-

There are three major national sources

for the massive American decline in

borhoods have experienced larger

of crime data in the United States:

crime. In 2015, the Brennan Center for

drops in crime, although significant

the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s

Justice reviewed evidence on theories

disparities persist.

Uniform Crime Reports, which reports

to explain the decline, finding that

data on crime counts, crime rates, and

such factors as an aging population,

Violent crime also has a uniquely

arrests; the National Crime Victimiza-

consumer confidence, decreased

powerful role in defining neighbor-

tion Survey, which tracks self-reported

alcohol consumption, income growth,

hoods. A study of neighborhoods in

victimizations of crime; and the National

increased rates of incarceration, and in-

22 cities indicates that levels of violent

Vital Statistics System, which has data

creased policing all likely contributed.14

crime in a neighborhood, particu-

on deaths, including homicides.7 At the

With regard to increased incarceration,

larly robbery and aggravated assault,

national level, these sources indicate a

the National Academy of Sciences’ 2012

strongly predict residents’ perceptions

massive decline in violent crime —

report concluded that although higher

of crime, whereas property crime has

generally defined to include murder,

incarceration rates may have caused

little effect.3 An array of studies also

rape, robbery, and aggravated assault

a decline in crime, “the magnitude of

suggest that violent crime reduces

— over the past 20 years.8 According to

the reduction is highly uncertain and

neighborhood property values more

the Uniform Crime Reports, the violent

the results of most studies suggest it was

than property crime does.4 Perceptions

crime rate dropped by nearly half

unlikely to be have been large,” and,

also differ among groups. Residents with

between 1995 and 2014, from 684.5

moreover, that high incarceration rates

children and longer-term residents,

violent crimes per 100,000 inhabit-

had significant social costs, particularly

for instance, consistently perceive

ants to 365.5 (fig. 1).9 The homicide

for minority communities.15

greater levels of crime and disorder

rate also dropped by nearly half over

than do their neighbors.5 Decisions on

the same period, from 8.2 per 100,000

At the same time, African Americans

where to move often reflect concerns

inhabitants to 4.5.10 And according

and Hispanics are more likely to be

about safety. People with housing

to the National Crime Victimization

victims of violent crimes — especially

choice vouchers, for example, consis-

Survey, by 2014, the violent victimiza-

serious violent crimes — than are

tently rate a safer neighborhood as their

tion rate — that is, the rate at which

whites, although the gap has narrowed

top priority.6

people are victims of violent crime

over the past 10 years (fig. 2).16 Afri-

— dropped to 20.1 per 1,000 persons,

can Americans are disproportionately

Variations in levels of violent crime are

only about a quarter of 1993’s rate

victims of homicide compared with

linked to complex characteristics of

of 79.8.11 Compared to other wealthy

whites or Hispanics (fig. 3).17 Similarly,

neighborhoods, including disadvantage,

nations, modern rates of violent crime

low-income people are much more

segregation, land use, social control, so-

in the United States are not excep-

likely than others to experience crime,

cial capital, and social trust, as well as the

tional, though homicide rates remain

including violent crime.18

characteristics of nearby neighborhoods.

“probably the highest in the Western

Identifying the root causes of violent

world.”12 In particular, gun violence is

Although evidence indicates that

crime can also point to promising strate-

far more common in the U.S. than in

neighborhood characteristics contrib-

gies to reduce its incidence and impact.

other Western nations.13

ute to these disparities, none of the

16

major national sources of crime data

residents) averaged five times as many

or longer.23 In each of these cities, the

provide comprehensive information at

violent crimes as predominantly white

absolute rate of violent crime in the

the neighborhood level. Researchers

communities; predominantly Latino

most violent neighborhoods dropped

usually define neighborhoods accord-

neighborhoods averaged about two and

dramatically: in Cleveland, for instance,

ing to census tracts, which include from

a half times as many violent crimes as

the absolute difference in violent crime

1,200 to 8,000 people and are drawn

predominantly white neighborhoods.

between the most violent fifth of neigh-

to reflect visible community boundar-

These differences in crime rates are

borhoods and all the rest declined by

ies.19 The absence of annual, national

linked to structural disparities: segre-

65 percent. Similarly, poor neighbor-

neighborhood-level data frustrates

gated neighborhoods also tend

hoods, majority African-American,

efforts to compare violent crime trends

to be disadvantaged and lack access

and majority Hispanic neighborhoods

across and within communities.

to community resources, institutions,

narrowed the gap between them and

and means of social control such as

other neighborhoods. But although

One particularly expansive national

effective policing as well as social trust.21

overall violent crime rates have declined

source for neighborhood-level crime

A followup study is underway to add

substantially, the distribution of violent

data is the National Neighborhood

data from 2010 and analyze trends.22

crime remains about the same: the

Crime Study (NNCS), which collects

communities that were initially the most

street crime data reported to police

Disadvantaged, segregated communi-

violent generally remained the most

for the year 2000 from 9,593 nation-

ties have experienced a large portion

violent. In all six cities, the most violent

ally representative neighborhoods in

of the national decline in violent crime

fifth of neighborhoods still experienced

91 large cities.20 Considering NNCS

but remain disproportionally affected

more violent crime than the second

data, Peterson and Krivo found striking

by high violent crime rates. In 2015,

most violent fifth of neighborhoods

racial inequality across neighborhoods

Friedson and Sharkey considered

experienced before the decline.

in the average rates of violent crime:

neighborhood-level violent crime in six

predominantly African-American

cities — Chicago; Cleveland; Denver;

Similarly, Lens et al. found that in

neighborhoods (those that consist of

Philadelphia; Seattle; and St. Peters-

seven large American cities, housing

more than 70% African-American

burg, Florida — over the past decade

choice voucher holders’ exposure to

Source: Federal Bureau of Investigation. “Crime in the United States by Volume and Rate per 100,000 Inhabitants, 1995–2014” (ucr.fbi.gov/crime-in-the-u.s/2014/

crime-in-the-u.s.-2014/tables/table-1). Accessed 7 August 2016.

17

Source: Jennifer L. Truman and Lynn Langton. 2015. “Criminal Victimization, 2014,” Bureau of Justice Statistics.

neighborhood crime declined substan-

social controls, such as collective effi-

“gun violence is transmitted through

tially from 1998 to 2008. This decline

cacy, and formal social controls, such as

particular types of risky behaviors (such

happened not because voucher hold-

the presence of law enforcement, could

as engaging in criminal activities) and is

ers moved to areas with lower crime

prevent hot spots.29 Evidence suggests

related to the ways in which particularly

rates but because their neighborhoods’

that policing aimed at hot spots — par-

pathogens (e.g. guns) move through

crime rates improved more than those

ticularly problem-oriented policing that

networks.”37 As Sampson notes, networks

of other neighborhoods (although these

focuses on specific problems such as

can enable prosocial activities as well as

neighborhoods still lagged behind on

gun seizures and engages the community

gangs and crime.38

absolute levels of crime).24

as a partner — can be more effective

and does not just displace crime.30

Neighborhood Characteris-

Within neighborhoods, research has

tics and Violent Crime

indicated that violent crime occurs in

Much violent crime may also occur

Neighborhoods’ incidence of vio-

a small number of “hot spots.”25 These

within narrow social networks.31 In

lent crime is related to an array of

hot spots are “micro places” — either

general, a disproportionate number

intertwined characteristics, including

street intersections or segments (two

of murder victims and offenders are

poverty, segregation, and inequality;

block faces on both sides of a street

young,32 and about four-fifths of vic-

collective efficacy, disorder, trust, and

between two intersections).26 One study

tims33 and three-fifths of offenders34 are

institutions; job access; immigration;

reviewed Boston police records from

male. Also, many studies have observed

residential instability, foreclosures,

1980 through 2008 and found that

“victim-offender overlap,” meaning that

vacancy rates, and evictions; land use and

fewer than 3 percent of micro places

the victims and offenders of violent

the built environment; neighborhood

accounted for more than half of all gun

crime are often members of the same

change; and location of housing assis-

violence incidents.27 When gun violence

social network, and neighborhood

tance. These characteristics can be both

increases, these hot spots account for

context such as street culture might in-

the cause and result of violent crime.39

most of the increase, and the same oc-

fluence this phenomenon.35 One study

Neighborhoods change dynamically:

curs when gun violence declines. Hot

found that in Boston, about 85 percent

violence can influence people to leave,

spots’ presence is linked to both

of gunshot injuries occur within a single

which leads to an increase in segregation

opportunity — for instance, the pres-

network of people representing less

and violence.40 Moreover, neighbor-

ence of more bus stops, a busy street, or

than 6 percent of the city’s total popula-

hoods are affected not only by their

the lack of street lighting — and social

tion.36 Drawing on an array of research

own internal characteristics but also

controls on crime.28 Both informal

on networks, Papachristos argues that

by those of nearby neighborhoods. After

18

controlling for neighborhoods’ own

2000 demonstrates, however, that

policing and the swift prosecution of

internal characteristics, rates of violence

violent crime rates in predominantly

violent crime. In 2015’s Ghettoside, Leovy

in Chicago neighborhoods are signifi-

African-American and Latino neighbor-

explores how underpolicing of violent

cantly and positively linked to those of

hoods differ little from predominantly

crime spurred high homicide rates in

surrounding neighborhoods.41

white neighborhoods after controlling

segregated South Central Los Angeles

for segregation and disadvantage. In

neighborhoods as an alternate “ghet-

Poverty, Segregation, and Inequality.

particular, spatial disadvantage — that

toside” law emerged.49 This alternate

Neighborhoods with more concen-

is, adverse characteristics such as poverty

law involves witnesses scared to testify,

trated disadvantage tend to experience

or crime among nearby neighborhoods

the formation of gangs for protection,

higher levels of violent crime. Numer-

— appears to drive disparities in local

and cascades of disputes and violent

ous studies, for instance, show that

crime rates between these neighbor-

crime among interwoven communi-

neighborhoods with higher poverty

hoods.45 As Pattillo-McCoy writes,

ties.50 As Massey writes, “In a niche of

rates tend to have higher rates of vio-

crime from disadvantaged areas in

violence, respect can only be built and

lent crime.42 Greater overall income

Chicago often spills over into middle-

maintained through the strategic use of

inequality within a neighborhood is

class, predominantly African-American

force.”51 Evidence suggests that a great-

associated with higher rates of crime,

neighborhoods.46 Moreover, the effects

er propensity for arguments to escalate

especially violent crime.43 Sampson

of citywide segregation extend beyond

to lethal violence, combined with easier

notes that even though the city of

majority-minority neighborhoods:

access to firearms, contributes to higher

Stockholm has far less violence, segre-

neighborhoods nationwide, regardless

rates of homicide in the United States.52

gation, and inequality than the city of

of their racial composition, tend to ex-

As Leovy points out, the absence of law

Chicago, in both cities a disproportion-

perience higher rates of violent crime

has fostered violent crime in communi-

ate number of homicides occur in a very

when they are located in cities with

ties throughout history.53

small number of very disadvantaged

higher levels of segregation.47

neighborhoods.44

In many communities of color, troubled

Poverty, segregation, and inequality are

relationships with law enforcement —

Racially and ethnically segregated

related to neighborhoods’ access to

linked to aggressive tactics and the dispro-

neighborhoods also tend to have

resources and ability to solve problems,

portionate prosecution of drug crimes —

higher rates of violent crime. Peter-

including problems that foster crime.48

hinder efforts to address violent crime.54

son and Krivo’s analysis of nationwide

These resources include access to insti-

Concentrated disadvantage, crime, and

neighborhood crime data for the year

tutions, particularly effective community

imprisonment appear to interact in a

Source: Federal Bureau of Investigation. “Murder Victims by Race, Ethnicity, and Sex, 2014” (ucr.fbi.gov/crime-in-the-u.s/2014/crime-in-the-u.s.-2014/tables/

expanded-homicide-data/expanded_homicide_data_table_1_murder_victims_by_race_ethnicity_and_sex_2014.xls). Accessed 7 August 2016.

19

continually destabilizing feedback loop.55 public life and treat the presence of residents.69 Strong social organization,

In disadvantaged, segregated neighbor-

violence with resignation, adolescents

however, can reduce violent crime.

hoods, residents may also be more likely

may feel that attempts to avoid violence

Sampson found that Chicago neighbor-

to be detached from social institutions

are futile, and that they are on their

hoods with more connected leadership,

and disregard the law,56 hampering

own in their attempts to do so.”62

as demonstrated by social ties between

crime enforcement and prevention.57 Evi-

leaders, tend to have much lower homi-

dence suggests that community policing

Collective efficacy is linked to disorder,

cide rates even controlling for factors

can improve communities’ relationships

such as garbage in the streets or broken such as concentrated disadvantage.70

with law enforcement and contribute to

windows.63 Sampson notes that people’s

strategies such as hot-spot policing that

perceptions of disorder in their neigh-

Job Access. Job access can help explain

seem to reduce violent crime.58

borhood are likely related to collective

variations in crime types across urban

senses of social meaning and inequal-

neighborhoods. One study of Atlanta

Collective Efficacy, Disorder, Trust, and

ity.64 “Broken windows” policing, aimed

in the early 1990s examined job op-

Institutions. Collective efficacy, defined

at reducing perceived disorder to pre-

portunity for youth in neighborhoods,

as social cohesion among neighbors

vent crime, is one of the most influential

including whether jobs were geographi-

and their willingness to intervene on

philosophies in policing. Rigorous re-

cally accessible, whether youth would

behalf of the common good, appears

search suggests that disorder, however,

be qualified to hold them, and the level

to be an important determinant of vio-

might ultimately be a product of root

of competition for those jobs. This

lent crime in neighborhoods.59 Social

causes such as the concentration of

study found that poor job opportunity

cohesion measures ask, for instance,

disadvantage and low collective efficacy,

was closely linked with neighborhood-

whether residents believe people in

which also lead to crime.65 Disorder can

level crime, although more closely to

their neighborhood can be trusted.60

trigger reactions that further increase

property crime than violent crime.71

Across neighborhoods in Chicago and

disadvantage and crime — for example,

cities worldwide, Sampson and others

by encouraging people to move and

Immigration. Numerous studies show

have found that collective efficacy and

stigmatizing a neighborhood.66 In fact,

that immigration is strongly associated

violent crime are interrelated: violence

strong evidence indicates that shared

with lower rates of violent crime.72 One

can reduce collective efficacy, and

perceptions of past disorder (that is, what

rigorous study of neighborhoods in Los

collective efficacy can prevent future

people thought about a neighborhood

Angeles in the mid-2000s, for instance,

violent crime.61

years ago) are a better predictor of

found that greater concentrations of

immigrants in a neighborhood are

related to significant drops in crime.73

Residential instability — that is, more frequent Similarly, Sampson, in analyzing data

on Chicago neighborhoods, found

moves among a neighborhood’s residents

that, after controlling for other factors,

concentrated immigration is directly as-

— appears in some circumstances to be

sociated with lower rates of violence.74

One reason for this finding might

related to increases in violent crime.

be that people who immigrate have

characteristics that make them less

Collective efficacy can affect youths’

homicides in neighborhoods than are

likely to commit crimes — for example,

“street efficacy,” their perceived ability

present levels of physical disorder.67

motivation to work and ambition.75

to avoid violent confrontations and find

Leovy, considering Los Angeles, notes,

ways to be safe in their own neighbor-

One study of violent crime in Chicago

“Despite their relative poverty, recent

hood, in turn influencing their likelihood

neighborhoods during the 1990s found

immigrants tend to have lower homi-

to turn to violence. After controlling for

that legal cynicism — when people

cide rates than resident Hispanics and

individual and family factors, Sharkey

view the law as “illegitimate, unrespon-

their descendants born in the United

found that Chicago youth who live

sive, and ill equipped to ensure public

States. This is because homicide flares

in neighborhoods with concentrated

safety” — explained why homicide

among people who are trapped and

disadvantage and low collective efficacy

persisted in some communities despite

economically interdependent, not

have lower street efficacy, and those

citywide declines in poverty and vio-

among people who are highly mobile.”76

with higher street efficacy are less likely

lence.68 Kirk and Papachristos suggest

to resort to violence or associate with

that legal cynicism is linked to two

Residential Instability, Foreclosures, Vacancy

delinquent peers. As Sharkey writes,

related influences: neighborhood struc-

Rates, and Evictions. Residential insta-

in communities with lower collective

tural conditions and police practices

bility — that is, more frequent moves

efficacy where “residents retreat from

and interaction with neighborhood

among a neighborhood’s residents —

20

improvement of lots reduced violent

crime nearby (see “Housing, Inclusion,

and Public Safety,” p. 1).88

Neighborhood Change. Changes in

neighborhood demographics, such as

gentrification, can affect violent crime

rates. Kirk and Laub suggest that gen-

trification can cause an initial increase

in crime because neighborhood change

causes destabilization, although in

the long run gentrification leads to a

decline in crime as neighborhood cohe-

sion increases.89 Neighborhoods’ spatial

location can also affect crime rates.

Boggess and Hipp found that in Los

Angeles in the 1990s, neighborhoods

at the “frontier” of gentrification had

many more aggravated assaults than

did those located near other neighbor-

hoods also experiencing gentrification.90

In some circumstances, vacant and foreclosed properties are associated with increased neighborhood crime rates.

Evidence also indicates that the general

decline in crime may have contributed

appears in some circumstances to be

property remained vacant.83 In 2016’s

to gentrification, as higher-income

related to increases in violent crime.77

Evicted, Desmond notes that Milwau-

families feel more comfortable moving

Research shows that residential insta-

kee neighborhoods in the mid-2000s

into the city.91

bility might affect violence at least in

with high eviction rates had higher

part by, for instance, reducing com-

violent crime rates the following year

Location of Housing Assistance. Rigor-

munity efficacy.78 Violent crime and

after controlling for factors including

ous research to date demonstrates

residential instability appear to be

past crime rates.84 Desmond suggests

that violent crime generally does

interrelated: one study considering

that eviction affects crime by frustrat-

not increase in neighborhoods when

Los Angeles neighborhoods in the mid-

ing the relationship among neighbors

households with housing vouchers

1990s estimated that the effect of violent

and preventing the development of

move in. In 2008, an article in The

crime on instability was twice as strong

community efficacy that could prevent

Atlantic suggested that in Nashville,

as that of instability on crime.79

violence.85

Tennessee, significant neighborhood-

level increases in violent crime were

Multiple studies have found that

Land Use and the Built Environment.

linked to voucher holders’ moves.92

foreclosures increase violent crime on

In The Death and Life of Great American

Ellen et al. analyzed neighborhood-

nearby blocks.80 One study notes that

Cities, Jane Jacobs proposes several

level crime in 10 large American cities

because foreclosures appear to pull

elements that could make neighbor-

from 1995 to 2008, however, and

crimes indoors, where offenders are

hoods safe, such as a clear demarcation

found little evidence that households

less likely to be caught, crimes result-

between public and private space; “eyes

with housing choice vouchers caused

ing from foreclosures and subsequent

on the street,” such as nearby shops;

crime to increase where they moved.

vacant units could be underreported.81

and fairly continuous use.86 Some em-

Instead, they found strong evidence

On the other hand, foreclosures might

pirical research, however, suggests that

indicating that voucher holders tend

just reshuffle crime at the local level.82

mixed-use areas, which combine com-

to move into neighborhoods where

mercial and residential properties, have

crime is already increasing, perhaps

Vacancies and evictions can also

lower rates of crime than do commer-

seeking more affordable rents.93

lead to violent crime by destabilizing

cial-only areas, perhaps by reducing

Some other studies suggest that associa-

communities and creating venues for

crimes of opportunity.87 Other land

tions between increases of voucher

crime. A study of Pittsburgh found

use strategies might also reduce violent

holders and increases in crime could

that violent crime increased by 19

crime. A study of a natural experiment

be limited to disadvantaged neigh-

percent within 250 feet of a newly

in Youngstown, Ohio, which cleaned

borhoods or neighborhoods where

vacant foreclosed home and that the

up vacant lots and funded efforts to

households receiving housing as-

crime rate increased the longer the

improve them, found that community

sistance are concentrated.94 Mast

21

Replacing distressed public housing with new mixed-income housing through the HOPE VI program decreased violent crime rates in certain neighborhoods.

and Wilson considered this question

than 60 percent greater than it would

was the effect on movers’ health. Movers

in Charlotte-Mecklenburg County,

have been without HOPE VI. Many of

ended up in much safer neighbor-

North Carolina, from 2000 to 2009,

these public housing developments

hoods, and parents and adolescent girls

finding that increases in voucher

were severely distressed with high

experienced significant improvements

holders were associated with crime

rates of violent crime, and HOPE VI’s

in health, including lower rates of

increases only in neighborhoods that

combination of demolition and new

obesity, linked to reductions in stress.99

exceed relatively high thresholds for

mixed-income housing appears to have

In dangerous areas, people may avoid

poverty or concentration of voucher

reduced crime in these neighborhoods.97

going outside, and a strong relationship

holders.95

Moreover, most neighborhoods also

exists between perceived neighborhood

absorbed households with relocation

safety and obesity rates.100

Public housing demolition also ap-

vouchers without any effect on crime

pears to have affected neighborhood

rates. The neighborhoods that saw

In general, exposure to violence puts

violent crime rates. From the end

significant increases in crime with the

youth at significant risk for psycho-

of the 1990s through the mid-2000s,

addition of voucher holders were those

logical, social, academic, and physical

public housing developments across

that already had high rates of poverty

challenges and also makes them more

the nation were demolished through

and crime.98

likely to commit violence themselves.101

the HOPE VI program, forcing thou-

Exposure to gun violence can desensi-

sands of families to relocate with

The Costs of Violent Crime

tize children, increasing the likelihood

housing vouchers.96 Looking at crime

in Neighborhoods

that they act violently in the future.102

rates in Atlanta and Chicago, Pop-

Violent crime has numerous, lasting

One study found that children exposed

kin et al. found that in Atlanta and

effects on neighborhood residents that

to an incident of violent crime scored

Chicago, crime rates plummeted in

extend beyond its direct impact on vic-

much lower on exams a week later.103

the neighborhoods where public

tims and their families and friends. One

Another study focusing on Chicago in

housing had been demolished along-

of the most significant findings from

the 2000s considered children’s expo-

side net decreases citywide; in Chicago,

the Moving to Opportunity experiment,

sure to neighborhood violence over

they estimated that the decrease in

which enabled low-income families to

time, finding that, after controlling for

violent crime in those areas was more

move to low-poverty neighborhoods,

differences between students, children

22

living in more violent neighborhoods

adopts cognitive behavioral therapy

“Crime in International Perspective,” in Crime and

fall farther behind their peers in school

to help young men slow down their

Public Policy, James Q. Wilson and Joan Petersilia, eds.

New York: Oxford University Press, 1–52, 24.

as they grow older and that this effect is

thinking and consider whether their

13 Kevin Quealy and Margot Sanger-Katz. 2016. “Com-

similar in size to that of socioeconomic

automatic thoughts fit the situation.

pare These Gun Death Rates: The U.S. Is in a Differ-

disadvantage.104 At a larger level, Chetty

New rigorous experimental evidence

ent World,” New York Times, June 13.

14 Oliver Roeder, Lauren-Brooke Eisen, and Julia Bowl-

and Hendren find that children who

suggests that the program can reduce

ing. 2015. “What Caused the Crime Decline?” Bren-live in neighborhoods with higher crime violent crime arrests by 45 to 50 percent

nan Center for Justice.

rates for 20 years experience significant

and improve graduation rates by 12 to

15 National Academy of Sciences. 2012. The Growth of

Incarceration in the United States: Exploring Causes and

reductions in income as adults.105

19 percent.108

Consequences, Washington, DC: The National Acad-

emies Press, 4.

Neighborhoods of concentrated pov-

To a large extent, changes in violent

16 Truman and Langton, 9. Serious violent crime in the

NCVS includes rape or sexual assault, robbery, and

erty and disadvantage can also create

crime are linked to broader social

aggravated assault.

coercive sexual environments in which

progress and economic gains. Today,

17 Federal Bureau of Investigation. “Murder Victims by

sexual harassment, molestation, exploi-

as Friedson and Sharkey point out, the

Race, Ethnicity, and Sex, 2014” (ucr.fbi.gov/crime-in-

the-u.s/2014/crime-in-the-u.s.-2014/tables/expanded-

tation, and violence against women and

recent decline of violent crime offers

homicide-data/expanded_homicide_data_table_1_

girls become accepted. These environ-

opportunities for “a virtuous cycle of

murder_victims_by_race_ethnicity_and_sex_2014.xls).

ments, which disproportionately affect

declining crime and disorder, rein-

Accessed 15 August 2016.

18

adolescents of color, negatively affect

vestment, and greater integration of

Melissa S. Kearney, Benjamin H. Harris, Elisa Jácome,

and Lucie Parker. 2014. “Ten Economic Facts about

children’s sexual development and can

disadvantaged neighborhoods into the

Crime and Incarceration in the United States,” The lead to long-term psychological stress

urban social fabric.”109 Taking advantage

Brookings Institution.

19

and substance abuse.106

of these possibilities could reduce dis-

See U.S. Census Bureau. “How the Census Bureau

Measures Poverty” (www.census.gov/topics/income-

parities and save more people, families,

poverty/poverty/guidance/poverty-measures.html).

Strategies From

and neighborhoods from the impact of

Accessed 16 August 2016.

the Evidence

20

violent crime.

Ruth D. Peterson and Lauren J. Krivo. 2010. Divergent

Social Worlds: Neighborhood Crime and the Racial-Spatial

The evidence on neighborhoods and

Divide, New York: Russell Sage Foundation.

violent crime suggests several strategies

— Chase Sackett, Former HUD Staff

21 Ibid.

for improving safety and neighborhood

22 National Science Foundation. “Collaborative Re-

search: Crime and Community in a Changing Society,

health. Investing in communities caught

1 Patrick Sharkey and Robert J. Sampson. 2015.

“Violence, Cognition, and Neighborhood Inequality

the National Neighborhood Crime Study 2” (nsf.

in cycles of crime, decay, and disinvest-

in America,” in Social Neuroscience: Brain, Mind, and

gov/awardsearch/showAward?AWD_ID=1357207).

ment can help reduce crime rates.107

Society, Russell Schutt, Matcheri S. Keshavan, and Larry

Accessed 26 July 2016.

J. Seidman, eds. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

23 Michael Friedson and Patrick Sharkey. 2015. “Vio-

Research on social ties and institutions

2 E.g. , David J. Hardin. 2009. “Collateral Consequences

lence and Neighborhood Disadvantage after the

suggests that strong community orga-

of Violence in Disadvantaged Neighborhoods,” Social

Crime Decline,” The Annals of the American Academy of

nizations and leadership can make a

Forces 88:2, 757–84.

Political and Social Science 660:1, 341–58.

3 John R. Hipp. 2010. “Assessing Crime as a Problem:

24 Michael C. Lens, Ingrid Gould Ellen, and Katherine

difference. Investments that increase

The Relationship between Residents’ Perception of

O’Regan. 2011. “Neighborhood Crime Exposure

inclusion and support education, skills,

Crime and Official Crime Rates over 25 Years,” Crime

Among Housing Choice Voucher Households,” U.S.

& Delinquency 59:4, 616–48.

and access to jobs may be necessary to

Department of Housing and Urban Development.

4 E.g. , John R. Hipp, George E. Tita, and Robert T.

25 Anthony A. Braga, Andrew V. Papachristos, and David

address the concentrated disadvantage

Greenbaum. 2009. “Drive-bys and Trade-ups: Examin-

M. Hureau. 2009. “The Concentration and Stability of

at the root of violent crime in neighbor-

ing the Directionality of the Crime and Residential

Gun Violence at Micro Places in Boston, 1980 2008,”

Instability Relationship,” Social Forces 84:4, 1777–812.

hoods. Housing programs may avoid

Journal of Quantitative Criminology

For a summary of research on this topic, see David Kirk

26:1, 33–53.

26

reconcentrating poverty in disadvan-

and John Laub. 2010. “Neighborhood Change and

Ibid.

Crime in the Modern Metropolis, Crime and Justice: A

27 Ibid.

taged areas and crossing thresholds

Review of Research 39, 441–502.

28 David Weisburd, Elizabeth R. Groff, and Sue-Ming

linked to increases in violent crime. In

5 John R. Hipp. 2010. “Resident perceptions of crime:

Yang. 2013. “Understanding and Controlling Hot

How much is ‘bias’ and how much is micro-neighbor-

general, policies that reduce economic,

Spots of Crime: The Importance of Formal and Infor-

hood effect?” Criminology 48:2, 475–508.

mal Social Controls,” Prevention Science 15:1, 31–43.

racial, and ethnic segregation can

6 See, e.g. , Lenore Healy and Michael Lepley. 2016.

29 Ibid.

increase communities’ access to key

“Housing Voucher Mobility in Cuyahoga County,”

Housing Research and Advocacy Center.

30 Anthony A. Braga, Andrew V. Papachristos, and David

resources to prevent violent crime and

7 The University of Chicago Crime Lab. “Data on Crime

M. Hureau. 2014. “The Effects of Hot Spots Policing

promote healthy development. In addi-

Patterns” (crimelab.uchicago.edu/page/crime-pat-

on Crime: An Updated Systematic Review and Meta-

terns). Accessed 19 July 2016.

Analysis,” Justice Quarterly 31:4, 633–63.

tion, more comprehensive national data

8 See Federal Bureau of Investigation. “Crime in the

31 Andrew V. Papachristos. 2014. “The Network Struc-

on crime at the neighborhood level can

United States by Volume and Rate per 100,000 Inhabit-

ture of Crime,” Sociology Compass 8:4, 347–57.

help us better understand trends.

ants, 1995-2014” (ucr.fbi.gov/crime-in-the-u.s/2014/

32 Federal Bureau of Investigation. “Murder Victims by

crime-in-the-u.s.-2014/tables/table-1). Accessed 15

Age, Sex, Race, and Ethnicity, 2014” (ucr.fbi.gov/

August 2016.

crime-in-the-u.s/2014/crime-in-the-u.s.-2014/tables/

Promising programs could also prevent

9 Ibid.

expanded-homicide-data/expanded_homicide_data_

violent crime by helping youth and

10 Ibid.

table_2_murder_victims_by_age_sex_and_race_2014.

11 Jennifer L. Truman and Lynn Langton. 2015. “Crimi-

xls). Accessed 15 August 2016.

others avoid violence. The Becoming a

nal Victimization, 2014, ” Bureau of Justice Statistics.

33 Federal Bureau of Investigation. “Murder Offend-

Man program in Chicago, for example,

12 James P. Lynch and William Alex Pridemore. 2011.

ers by Race, Ethnicity, and Sex, 2014” (ucr.fbi.gov/

23

crime-in-the-u.s/2014/crime-in-the-u.s.-2014/tables/

60 Sampson 2012.

91 Kirk and Laub. See also Amy Ellen Schwartz, Scott

expanded-homicide-data/expanded_homicide_

61 Ibid.

Susin, and Ioan Voicu. 2003. “Has Falling Crime

data_table_3_murder_offenders_by_age_sex_and_

62 Patrick T. Sharkey. 2006. “Navigating Dangerous

Driven New York City’s Real Estate Boom?” Journal of

race_2014.xls). Accessed 15 August 2016.

Streets: The Sources and Consequences of Street Ef-

Housing Research 14:1, 101–35.

34 Federal Bureau of Investigation. “Murder Victims by

ficacy,” American Sociological Review 71, 826–46, 830.

92 Hanna Rosin. 2008. “American Murder Mystery,” The Race, Ethnicity, and Sex, 2014.”

63 Sampson 2012.

Atlantic.

35 Mark T. Berg, Eric A. Stewart, Christopher J. Shreck,

64 Ibid.

93

and Ronald L. Simons. 2012. “The Victim-Offender

Ingrid Gould Ellen, Michael C. Lens, and Katherine

Overlap in Context: Examining the Role of Neighbor-

65 Ibid.

O’Regan. 2011. “Memphis Murder Mystery Revisited:

hood Street Culture.”

66 Ibid.

Do Housing Vouchers Cause Crime?” , U.S. Depart-36 Andrew V. Papachristos, Anthony A. Braga, and

67 Ibid.

ment of Housing and Urban Development.

David M. Hureau. 2012. “Social Networks and the

94

68 David S. Kirk and Andrew V. Papachristos. 2011.

E.g. , Leah Hendey, George Galster, Susan J. Popkin,

Risk of Gunshot Injury,” Journal of Urban Health 89:6,

“Cultural Mechanisms and the Persistence of Neigh-

and Chris Hayes. 2016. “Housing Choice Voucher

992–1003. Cited in Papachristos.

borhood Violence,” American Journal of Sociology 166:4,

Holders and Neighborhood Crime: A Dynamic Panel

37 Ibid., 354.

1190–233, 1190.

Analysis from Chicago,” Urban Affairs Review 52:4, 38 Sampson 2012. See also Christopher R. Browning,

69 Ibid., 1190–233.

471–500.

Seth L. Feinberg, and Robert D. Dietz. 2004. “The

70 Sampson 2012.

95 Brent D. Mast and Ronald E. Wilson. 2013. “Housing

Paradox of Social Organization: Networks, Collective

Choice Vouchers and Crime in Charlotte, NC,” Hous-

Efficacy, and Violent Crime in Urban Neighbor-

71 Keith R. Ihlanfeldt. 2006. “Neighborhood Crime and

hoods,” Social Forces 83:2, 503–34.

Young Males’ Job Opportunity,” The Journal of Law &

ing Policy Debate 23:3, 559–96.

39 John R. Hipp. 2010. “A Dynamic View of Neighbor-

Economics 49:1, 249–83.

96 Susan J. Popkin, Michael J. Rich, Leah Hendey, Chris

hoods: The Reciprocal Relationship between Crime

72 See Matthew T. Lee and Ramiro Martinez Jr. 2009.

Hayes, Joe Parilla, and George Galster. 2012. “Public

and Neighborhood Structural Characteristics,” Social

“Immigration Reduces Crime: An Emerging Scholarly

Housing Transformation and Crime: Making the Case

Problems 57:2, 205–30.

Consensus,” Sociology of Crime, Law and Deviance 13,

for Responsible Relocation,” Cityscape 14:3, 137–60.

40 Jeffrey D. Morenoff and Robert J. Sampson. 1997.

3–16.

97 Ibid.

“Violent Crime and The Spatial Dynamics of Neigh-

73 John M. MacDonald, John R. Hipp, and Charlotte

98

borhood Transition: Chicago, 1970-1990,” Social Forces

Gill. 2013. “The Effects of Immigrant Concentration

Ibid.

76:1, 31–64.

on Changes in Neighborhood Crime Rates,” Journal of

99 Xavier de Souza Briggs and Margery Austin Turner.

41 Sampson 2012.

Quantitative Criminology 29:2, 191–215.

2005. “Assisted Housing Mobility and the Success of

42 Ibid.

74 Sampson 2012.

Low-Income Minority Families: Lessons for Policy,

43 John R. Hipp. 2007. “Income Inequality, Race, and

75 Robert J. Sampson. 2015. “Immigration and Ameri-

Practice, and Future Research,” Northwestern Journal of

Place: Does the Distribution of Race and Class within

ca’s Urban Revival,” The American Prospect (Summer) Law & Social Policy 1:1, 25–61.

Neighborhoods Affect Crime Rates?” Criminology

76 Leovy.

100 Jason S. Fish, Susan Ettner, Alfonso Ang, and Arleen

45:3, 665–97.

77 Lyndsay N. Boggess and John R. Hipp. 2010. “Violent

F. Brown. 2010. “Association of Perceived Neighbor-

44 Sampson 2012.

Crime, Residential Instability and Mobility: Does the

hood Safety on Body Mass Index,” American Journal of

45 Peterson and Krivo.

Relationship Differ in Minority Neighborhoods?”

Public Health 100:11, 2296–303.

46 Mary Patillo. 2013. Black Picket Fences: Privilege and

Journal of Quantitative Criminology 26:3, 351–70.

101 Stephen L. Buka, Theresa L. Stichick, Isolde Bird-

Peril Among the Black Middle Class, Chicago: University

78 Sampson 2012.

thistle, and Felton J. Earls. 2001. “Youth Exposure

of Chicago Press. Cited in Peterson and Krivo.

79 Boggess and Hipp 2010. See also Hipp, Tita, and

to Violence: Prevalence, Risks, and Consequences,”

47 Danielle Corinne Kuhl, Lauren J. Krivo, and Ruth D.

Greenbaum.

American Journal of Orthopsychiatry 71:3, 298–310.

Peterson. 2009. “Segregation, Racial Structure, and

80 Johanna Lacoe and Ingrid Gould Ellen. 2015.

102

Neighborhood Violent Crime,” American Journal of

James Garbarino, Catherine P. Bradshaw, and Joseph

“Mortgage Foreclosures and the Changing Mix of

Sociology 114:6, 1765–802.

A. Vorrasi. 2002. “Mitigating the Effects of Gun Vio-

Crime in Micro-neighborhoods,” Journal of Research in

48 Ibid.

lence on Children and Youth,” The Future of Children

Crime and Delinquency 52:5, 1–30. See also Ingrid Gould

12:2, 73–85.

49 Jill Leovy. 2015. Ghettoside: A True Story of Murder in

Ellen, Johanna Lacoe, and Claudia Ayanna Sharygin.

America, New York: Spiegel & Grau.

2013. “Do foreclosures cause crime?” Journal of Urban

103 Patrick Sharkey, Amy Ellen Schwartz, Ingrid Gould

50 Leovy.

Economics 74, 59–70.

Ellen, and Johanna Lacoe. 2014. “High Stakes in the

51 Douglas S. Massey. 1995. “Getting Away with Murder:

81 Lacoe and Ellen.

Classroom, High Stakes on the Street: The Effects of

Segregation and Violent Crime in Urban America,”

Community Violence on Students’ Standardized Test

82 David S. Kirk and Derek S. Hyra. 2012. “Home Fore-

University of Pennsylvania Law Review 143:5, 1203–32,

closures and Community Crime: Causal or Spurious

Performance,” Sociological Science 1, 199–220.

1221.

Association?” Social Science Quarterly 93:3, 648–70.

104 Julia Burdick-Will. 2016. “Neighborhood Violent

52 See Franklin E. Zimring and Gordon Hawkins. 1997.

83 Lin Cui and Randall Walsh. 2014. “Foreclosure,

Crime and Academic Growth in Chicago: Lasting Ef-

Crime Is Not the Problem: Lethal Violence in America, New

Vacancy and Crime,” Journal of Urban Economics 87,

fects of Early Exposure,” Social Forces 95:1, 133–58.

York: Oxford University Press.

72–84.

105 Raj Chetty and Nathaniel Hendren. 2015. “The

53 Leovy.

84 Matthew Desmond. 2016. Evicted: Poverty and Profit in

Impacts of Neighborhoods on Intergenerational

54 See Randall Kennedy. 1998. Race, Crime, and the Law,

the American City, New York: Crown Publishers.

Mobility: Childhood Exposure Effects and County-

New York: Random House; Leovy; Michelle Alexan-

85 Ibid.

Level Estimates.”

der. 2010. The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the

Age of Colorblindness, New York: New Press.

86 Jane Jacobs. 1961. The Death and Life of Great American

106 Susan J. Popkin, Mary Bogle, Janine M. Zweig, Priya

Cities, New York: Vintage Books.

55 Robert J. Sampson and Charles Loeffler. 2010. “Pun-

Saxena, Lina Breslav, and Molly Michie. 2015. “Let

ishment’s Place: The Local Concentration of Mass

87 James M. Anderson, John M. MacDonald, Ricky

Girls be Girls: How Coercive Sexual Environments

Incarceration,” Daedalus 139:3, 20–31.

Bluthenthal, and J. Scott Ashwood. 2013. “Reducing

Affect Girls Who Live in Disadvantaged Communities

56 See Kuhl, Krivo, and Peterson.

Crime by Shaping the Built Environment with Zon-

and What We Can Do about It,” Urban Institute.

ing: An Empirical Study of Los Angeles,” University of

57 See, e.g. , David S. Kirk. 2008. “The Neighborhood

107 See Lauren J. Krivo. 2014. “Reducing Crime Through

Pennsylvania Law Review 161, 699–756.

Context of Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Arrest,”

Community Investment: Can We Make It Work?”

Demography

88

45:1, 55–77.

Michelle Kondo, Bernadette Hohl, SeungHoon Han,

Criminology & Public Policy 13:2, 189–92.

and Charles Branas. 2015. “Effects of greening and

58 Anthony A. Braga. 2015. “Better Policing Can Im-

community reuse of vacant lots on crime,” Urban

108 Sara B. Heller, Anuj K. Shah, Jonathan Guryan,

prove Legitimacy and Reduce Mass Incarceration,”

Jens Ludwig, Sendhil Mullainathan, and Harold

Harvard Law Review Forum

Studies, 1–17.

129, 233–41.

89 Kirk and Laub.

A. Pollack. 2016. “Thinking, Fast and Slow? Some

59 Robert J. Sampson, Stephen W. Raudenbush, and Fel-

Field Experiments to Reduce Crime and Dropout in

ton Earls. 1997. “Neighborhoods and Violent Crime:

90 Lyndsay N. Boggess and John R. Hipp. 2016. “The Spatial

Chicago,” NBER Working Paper No. 21178.

A Multilevel Study of Collective Efficacy,” Science 277,

Dimensions of Gentrification and the Consequences for

918–24.

Neighborhood Crime,” Justice Quarterly 33:4, 584–613.

109 Friedson and Sharkey.

24

In Practice

Highlights

Reducing Offender n Returning Home–Ohio — a program offering permanent housing with supportive services to returning prisoners with certain medical needs

Recidivism and

and who are at risk of homelessness — has shown success in reducing

rearrests and returns to prison.

Reconnecting

n In Vermont, the Burlington Housing Authority partners with the state’s

Opportunity Youth Department of Corrections to help former prisoners find housing through the Offender Re-Entry Housing Program. More than 600

Access to stable housing, supportive

former prisoners have participated in the program.

services, and opportunities for

n The Aspen Forum for Community Solutions’ Opportunity Youth

education and employment can help

Incentive Fund supports initiatives throughout the country aimed at

promote social inclusion for people

improving outcomes for opportunity youth. In Denver, the fund has provided

who have committed crimes or are at

resources for collaborative efforts to house former foster youth.

risk of engaging in criminal behavior.

Programs that connect former offend-

ers with housing and supportive services

to find stable housing for former offend-

the number of years prisoners remain

to facilitate their successful reentry

ers. A third program, the Aspen Forum

incarcerated.3 This population rise is

into society have been shown to reduce

for Community Solutions’ Opportunity

straining the state’s budget: in 2014,

recidivism among target populations.1

Youth Incentive Fund, is a nationwide

Ohio taxpayers spent $1.7 billion to

These programs can reduce the high

initiative that supports and invests in

run the state’s prison system. The

rates of homelessness among former

organizations to create educational and

prison system, which has a maximum

inmates and provide the stability that

employment pathways for opportunity

capacity of 38,600 inmates, is also

they need to gain employment and

youth, such as efforts in Denver, Colora-

burdened by the rising population.4

avoid returning to prison (see “Housing,

do, to provide housing and wraparound

To combat recidivism and homeless-

Inclusion, and Public Safety,” p. 1). For

services for former foster youth.

ness among the recently incarcerated,

the nation’s “opportunity youth” — the

ODRC and the Corporation for Sup-

estimated 5.5 million 16- to 24-year-

Returning Home–Ohio:

portive Housing (CSH) launched

olds who are neither employed nor in

Permanent Housing With

RHO in 2007 as a pilot program in 13

school and are thus more susceptible to

Supportive Services

prisons across the state. The program

criminal behavior — access to housing,

Ohio’s prison population currently

targets prisoners slated to be released

education, and employment offers the

stands at nearly 51,000 and is expected

(or who have been out of a facility

possibility to reconnect to their commu-

to rise through 2023, in part because of

for fewer than 120 days) who were

nities’ social and economic fabrics.2 In

recent years, a number of programs have

emerged that unite multiple sectors for

collective impact, including departments

of corrections, public housing agencies,

philanthropies, nonprofits, social service

providers, and workforce programs.

The most effective of these initiatives

not only reintegrate these groups into

society but also save money that would

otherwise be spent on incarceration,

homeless shelters, emergency services,

and other social supports.

Returning Home–Ohio (RHO), ad-

ministered by the Ohio Department of

Rehabilitation and Correction (ODRC)

and the Corporation for Supportive

Housing, and the Burlington Housing

Authority’s Offender Re-Entry Housing

Denver Metro Chamber of Commerce-Denver Opportunity Youth Investment Initiative

Denver’s Chamber of Commerce, the backbone organization leading efforts to reconnect opportunity youth Program are two such programs working

in Denver, helps prepare young people for employment and educational attainment.

25

homeless before incarceration or are

at risk of homelessness after their

release. To be eligible for RHO, offend-

ers must also be HIV positive or have a

severe and permanent mental illness.

Participants receive permanent hous-

ing as well as supportive services such

as mental health treatment, medica-

tion, and substance abuse counseling.

Nine providers in five cities partici-

pated in the pilot, which cost about $5

million in rental subsidies, program

evaluation, and administration.

A 2012 evaluation by the Urban Insti-

tute compared the RHO participants

with a comparison group of individuals

exiting prison at the same time and

who were eligible for RHO services but

did not receive them. The evaluation

showed that RHO participants were

Corporation for Supportive Housing

40 percent less likely to be rearrested

An evaluation by the Urban Institute showed that Returning Home–Ohio, which has served more than 500

and 61 percent less likely to return

people since its inception in 2007, reduced recidivism by 40 percent.

to prison within a year of release than

were members of the comparison

that they can bring to RHO. “Reentry,

the Ohio Risk Assessment System (a

group. This result is especially notable

just like homelessness, is a multifactor

statewide tool that assesses a former

considering that RHO participants

challenge,” she says. “Helping return-

offender’s risk to others), they believe

were more likely than those in the

ing citizens think about their place in

that person is not a good fit for their

comparison group to reoffend — they

the community is more than providing

program.9

were more likely to have an alcohol or

a place to live. It’s making sure [that]

drug abuse disability, and their secu-

there’s community integration, employ-

Once accepted, participants are set up

rity level in prison was higher.5

ment, substance abuse services,” and

in an apartment with their own lease,

support for former inmates’ mental

and assisted with furniture and house-

Current Program

health needs.8

hold items. An individualized service

In 2013, the state of Ohio expanded

plan, completed with the participants,

RHO by 40 percent, and today the pro-

Most referrals to RHO come from

outlines their goals, objectives, and

gram serves 206 people in 8 counties; it

prison staff, who identify offenders

the supportive services that they can

has served 520 people since 2007.6 CSH

who both lack housing following their

receive, such as mental health counseling,

contracts with nonprofit agencies that

release and fit RHO’s mental health

addiction treatment, and basic life-skills

provide housing as well as supportive

and disability criteria. Not all prison-

training. Although participants are not

services. Although most of these organi-

ers referred to RHO decide to accept;

required to use these services, RHO

zations provide both housing (through

about 15 percent are not admitted

staff strongly encourage them to do so.

private landlords) and services, two

because they do not complete the

Providers also coordinate with commu-

providers partner with organizations

application process or do not want to

nity-based treatment centers and other

that deliver supportive services and

join the program after learning about

community resources to wrap services

case management. Each organization

it. Some offenders who need higher

around the individual. The housing

decides whom to accept within RHO’s

levels of medical services than RHO

and services providers conduct assess-

general eligibility criteria, with some

can provide go to other facilities, such

ments 9 to 12 months after participants

open to accepting people convicted of

as nursing homes. About 15 percent

have joined the program to see

a sex offense and those convicted of

of applicants are rejected because

whether participants are ready to move

arson.7 Katie Kitchin, director of CSH

they are ineligible — for example,

to more independent housing or need

in Ohio, explains that the organiza-

they do not have a severe and persis-

to stay in RHO. The assessments take

tions, selected through a competitive

tent mental illness. Providers also can

place every three months thereafter.

request for proposals, are chosen in

reject referrals if, after interviewing

These assessments are meant to open

part based on the additional resources

them and reviewing their scores on

the door to talking about a life beyond

26

Returning Home, for the case manager

challenges to implement the program.

cost-effective activities, such as playing

and the tenant, to say “this isn’t the

Case managers for New Housing Ohio,

basketball and walking to get an ice

end, maybe there’s more I can do,”

a housing and services provider that

cream cone.12

says Terri Power, CSH senior program

serves RHO participants in Ohio’s

manager.

mostly rural Butler County, must drive

Other housing providers point to the

long distances to reach clients, which

best practices that they have identified

Some people depart because they

consumes considerable time and

that resulted from early mistakes in

wish to live independently, and move

resources. The rural environment also

rolling out the program. Lavada Smith,

in with family or a significant other or

presents transportation challenges for

tenant services specialist at Miami Val-

because they have secured employment

participants seeking employment and

ley Housing Opportunities (MVHO),

that makes it possible to afford their

access to social services. Tosha Crone,

a nonprofit housing organization in

own apartment. Those who have an

a supportive services manager at New

Dayton, highlights the importance of

extensive criminal history and will not

Housing Ohio, says that the area’s lack

employing a scattered-site approach

be able to get on any other subsidy or

of recreation centers or other meeting

for housing RHO participants. Smith

who need long-term supportive services

points to provide programming makes

says that when MVHO began providing

are encouraged to apply for the Home

offering alternatives to engaging in

beds for RHO in 2011, the organization

for Good rental subsidy, earmarked for

criminal behavior difficult. As a result,

thought that housing participants in

people at risk of homelessness because

says Crone, it is important for provid-

a single building would make it easier

of prior convictions. The program,

ers to introduce readily accessible and

to conduct check-ins and assess their

administered by the Ohio Housing

Finance Agency, provides a subsidy to

ensure that recipients pay no more

than 30 percent of their income toward

housing. Others leave RHO because

their outcomes have been less success-

ful; they may need a greater level of

medical care in a nursing facility, have

reoffended, or have violated the terms

of their lease.10

CSH, which manages the program,

works consistently to improve it, col-

lecting data to determine how people

are referred to the program and the

reason why they leave. According to

Kitchin, the organization trains RHO’s

housing and service providers in harm

reduction; Housing First practices;

and Critical Time Intervention, an

evidence-based model that aims to

prevent homelessness among the

severely mentally ill who exit institu-

tions, including prisons. CSH has

also contracted with the University of

Cincinnati to train housing and service

providers in criminogenic qualities and

how best to use case management and

cognitive behavioral interventions to

reduce recidivism.11

Housing Provider

Challenges

In addition to the challenges that

rlington Housing Authority

participants face, housing provid-

Bu

The Northern Lights program, a collaboration among the Burlington Housing Authority, the Howard Center, and other ers have had to overcome their own

local agencies, provides transitional housing and supportive services to women who were recently incarcerated.

27

progress. However, MVHO learned

juvenile facilities, which in Ohio includes

many participants have been without

that doing so essentially kept them

anyone under age 21.14

the services they need for a long time,

“institutionalized,” replicating the

they may not realize how badly they

same community as they had in prison.

The housing providers echo Kitchin’s

need medication until they are pro-

Housing the 25 RHO participants that

observation that, overall, communities

vided access to it. In addition, the fact

MVHO supports today in different

do not object to former offenders being

that RHO provides supportive services

buildings and neighborhoods across

housed among them, although Smith

can help landlords feel more confident

Dayton gives participants a better

recalls a handful of cases in which peo-

in leasing apartments to the former

chance to “start fresh and start anew,”

ple complained about MVHO settling

offenders, says Crone.

says Smith.13

sex offenders in their midst. In those

instances, she said, she reminds people

Public Impacts and

The scattered-site approach is one

that being released from prison means

Economic Costs

reason Kitchin cites for community

that these former offenders have been

As the Urban Institute’s evaluation dem-

support for the RHO reentry model —

given a second chance, and it is the

onstrated, the pilot program realized its

single buildings filled with ex-offenders,

community’s responsibility to give them

goal by effectively reducing recidivism

she says, might be perceived as a

a second chance, too. MVHO’s strong

rates for participants. Although the pro-

greater risk to a community. Moreover,

reputation in the community — the orga-

gram has not been formally evaluated

because RHO’s supportive reentry

nization has a 25-year history of providing

since the pilot ended, from July 1, 2012,

model provides mentally ill participants

housing for people who are disabled,

through March 31, 2016, recidivism to

at risk of homelessness with housing

mentally ill, or HIV positive and who

state prison among RHO participants

and mental health services, they are not

would otherwise be homeless — helps to

was just 8 percent. During the same

living on the streets, which makes com-

further allay neighbors’ concerns.15

period, approximately 79 percent of

munities healthier and safer. In fact,

participants maintained their housing.

thanks in part to the program’s success, The housing and services providers

Kitchin says, the state’s Department of

also emphasize the importance of the

However, the Urban Institute’s evalu-

Youth Services is considering a similar

supportive services built into the RHO

ation of the pilot shows that RHO

project targeted to offenders exiting

model. Crone points out that because

has not saved the state money. RHO

Burlington Housing Authority

Oxford House is a transitional housing facility for women in Burlington, Vermont.

28

participants, no matter what services

they received, cost more than people

RHO allows people leaving prison to rein-

who were not part of the program. This

evaluation, however, only examined

tegrate into the community with the support

participants who had been out of the

that they need to avoid reoffending, success-

program for a year, which means that

it did not capture the long-term costs

fully reach their goals, and rejoin society.

incurred by people who may have

returned to prison for longer sen-

tences later on. As the Urban Institute

develop reentry programs for former

who works with female prisoners. Once

observed, “program investments are

prisoners. Federal law prohibits two

they have completed these tasks, most

by definition more costly than busi-

groups from living in public housing:

of these would-be applicants do reap-

ness as usual, particularly in the short

those on the lifetime sex offender list,

ply. She says that the program “flat-out

term.” Moreover, the evaluation did not

and those convicted of making metham-

rejects” applicants who have too many

include the social costs of recidivism:

phetamines on public housing property.

barriers to housing or whose needs are

the pain inflicted on crime victims and

Other than these restrictions, each

too great for the program to serve, such

the overall burden such events place

housing agency is permitted to make its

as those with severe mental health

on public safety.16

own decisions about whom to permit

difficulties; these individuals are referred

in public housing, and BHA is one of a

to a more appropriate agency.

Kitchin says that a financial incentive

number of public housing agencies that

is not the only reason a state might be

allow former felons to receive housing

Finding Housing for

motivated to run such a program. As the

choice vouchers. During its first year,

Former Offenders

pilot demonstrated, RHO allows people

the program placed 49 formerly incarcer-

Securing housing often begins while the

leaving prison to reintegrate into the

ated people in housing, more than half

participant is still incarcerated, up to a

community with the support that they

of whom received a housing subsidy.20

year before release. While in prison,

need to avoid reoffending, successfully

participants may take a “ready to rent”

reach their goals, and rejoin society.17

The Offender Re-Entry Housing Pro-

course run by BHA, although it is not re-

gram is run by BHA, which coordinates

quired. Schneider and Mike Cartier, the

The Burlington Housing

with the state’s Department of Correc-

other reentry specialist, also work with

Authority Houses Former

tions, social services organizations, and

participants to clear up former debts

Offenders

private landlords. Most referrals come

or evictions, secure recommendation

In 2007, Vermont was running out of

from the Department of Corrections

letters from the supervisors of their jobs

space to house prisoners and had a

and from probation and parole officers,

in prison, and work on repairing their

choice: the state could either spend

but some come from service providers

credit. These steps can ultimately “open

$82 million to lease space in out-of-state

in the prison, service providers in the

up more housing options” when the

prisons or spend an estimated $200 mil-

community, or even from the applicants

person is released, says Schneider.

lion to build a new state prison. Instead,

themselves.21 The program currently

state lawmakers, guided by research

employs two reentry specialists who

The housing specialists then work

from the Council of State Governments

work separately with men and women.22

to find a suitable apartment. Some

Justice Center on how to reduce re-

participants are eligible to live in one

cidivism, adopted a different strategy,

Those referred to the program meet

of the more than 600 rental apartment

allocating $6.3 million to reduce the

with the reentry specialists before their

properties BHA manages or receive a

number of inmates through prison-

release to share their long-term goals;

rent subsidy. Others, however, particu-

based treatment for substance abuse,

their needs, such as counseling for

larly men who are on the lifetime sex

transitional housing, and electronic

substance abuse; and any barriers to

offender registry, must rent a privately

monitoring.18 The strategy was success-

housing such as evictions or debts owed

owned, market-rate apartment.25 Find-

ful: Vermont’s prison population has

to previous landlords.23 The program

ing housing for sex offenders can be

fallen by 7 percent to 2,050, saving the

accepts between 60 to 80 percent of

especially challenging because of the

state a projected $54 million that it oth-

referrals.24 Those who are rejected

restrictions on where they can live as

erwise would have spent on incarcerating

are frequently told “no for now” and

well as community concerns. Research

these offenders from 2009 to 2019.19

given instructions on what to do to

suggests, however, that such restrictions

apply successfully in the future, such as

can be counterproductive. Studies show

In 2004, the Burlington Housing Au-

clearing previous debts to landlords or

that housing restrictions are unlikely to

thority (BHA) began working with the

cleaning up a messy credit history, says

prevent recidivism and can isolate sex

state’s Department of Corrections to

Rachel Schneider, the reentry specialist

offenders, making it more difficult to

29

New York City Housing Authority’s Family Reentry Pilot Program

The New York City Housing Authority (NYCHA)’s “lookback period,” which requires former offenders to wait a number of years before they can live in public housing, makes it difficult for formerly incarcerated individuals to live in public housing or rejoin their families on NYCHA leases. A new pilot program, however, is testing a change to that policy.

NYCHA’s Family Reentry Pilot Program, launched in 2014, serves former offenders aged 16 and older who have been out of jail for less than 3 years and who wish to join their families in public housing. Participants receive case management tailored to their needs for a minimum of six months and up to two years, which can include substance abuse treatment, mental health support, provisions to clean up a credit history, and support for navigating the court system.

At the end of two years, if the participants have successfully reentered and if their families agree, they are added to the family’s public housing lease.

The program was developed by the nonprofits Vera Institute of Justice and the Corporation for Supportive Housing (CSH), the Department of Corrections for New York City and New York State, the New York City Department of Probation, and a number of reentry service providers. The city’s Department of Homeless Services is funding the case management component, and NYCHA has devoted staff to the program. To decide whether to admit an applicant, NYCHA examines a person’s track record during incarceration and release and the person’s motivations for returning home, such as wanting to be a good parent.

The pilot has an acceptance rate of about 53 percent, says Margaret diZerega, the project director of sentencing and corrections at the Vera Institute. Twenty-two percent of applications were closed or withdrawn before they were accepted because applicants changed their mind or were ineligible. Some 14 percent of applicants have been denied because the victim of the crime may live in the housing development where they wish to reside, because the family’s tenancy is problematic (that is, the household is arrears in rent or engaged with legal proceedings, although these conditions do not automatically disqualify an applicant), or because there is no clear indication that the applicant is headed on a different trajectory, diZerega says. In other instances, NYCHA has deferred applicants for six months, asking that they spend a bit more time out in the community before reapplying.1

Of the 73 people who have enrolled in the program so far, there have been no new convictions. Because the program is still new, only five people have “graduated” since its inception. Three joined their families’ NYCHA lease, and two decided that they no longer wanted to live in NYCHA housing. diZerega considers the latter outcome a success as well, explaining that the participants “were able to get reestablished and are doing well in the community.”2

Because the formerly incarcerated are at an elevated risk of homelessness —19 percent of people who left prisons in New York State during 2015 lived in a homeless shelter — the program stands to decrease homelessness among access treatment services or even meet

supplied by the Department of Correc-

housed during 2014 and 2015, 8 lost

the conditions of their parole, which in

tions and managed by BHA that can

their housing and returned to jail — a

turn reduces their chances of successful be used by the tenants as a deposit and

recidivism rate of 20 percent — and

reentry and rehabilitation.26

as the first month’s rent. The program

a number of participants have main-

also offers a landlord guarantee that

tained their housing for more than 3

Because the program is more than a

acts as a second security deposit. At the

years. But providing participants with a

decade old, say Cartier and Schneider, lease’s end, a landlord can claim up

home does more than reduce recidi-

it has a stable of landlords familiar

to $2,000 from this fund for repairs or

vism. Having a home allows participants

with the program and its clients, which

other tenant-generated costs.27

to secure employment and often helps

makes placing the former offenders

them cope with sobriety and mental

easier. Moreover, the former offenders

The program provides retention services

health issues, says Schneider. In fact,

sign releases that allow the reentry spe-

for up to a year, although Schneider

many of the participants have never

cialists to discuss their convictions with

often works for longer periods with

before had a lease in their own name.

potential landlords, which can ultimate-

the women on her caseload. Overall,

“Having a place that they can call their

ly put the landlords at ease. Schneider

more than 600 former offenders have

own … really helps them in follow-

adds that landlords’ concerns are also

participated in the Offender Re-Entry

ing through on everything else,” says

allayed by transitional housing money

Housing Program. Of the 40 people

Cartier.

30

participants and save public money otherwise spent on incarceration and homeless shelters.3 It has other benefits, however, thanks to the reciprocity of relationships among family members. For example, says diZerega, in many cases, the person moving home is joining an elderly parent with health needs; living together allows the formerly incarcerated person to help the parent with medication compliance, grocery shopping, and other wellness needs.

The Vera Institute is conducting an evaluation of the pilot, which it expects to release during fall 2016. Among its goals is to determine how many people might benefit from this program and assess its benefits to participants, such as how living in a safe, stable environment enables participants to work on employment and educational goals.4

Because NYCHA is the nation’s largest housing agency, the pilot has the potential to benefit many thousands of people within NYCHA, should the agency decide to expand the program.5 To bring the program to scale, the housing agency would need to build capacity to administer the program. Moreover, the pilot stands to function as a successful model of how to lift local bans for other public housing agencies around the country. The program has already begun to change other aspects of NYCHA policy. Formerly, if a person living in NYCHA housing were arrested on agency property, and the arresting officer gave testimony about the arrest to NYCHA, that person could be permanently excluded from NYCHA, meaning that they could never return to public housing. The policy was meant to preserve a family’s tenancy — to ensure that the entire family would not be evicted. The permanent exclusion policy is one reason why so many people had initially been rejected from the pilot; CSH found, on examination, that about half of applicants were permanently excluded.

Now, participants can take part in the pilot even if they have been permanently excluded; if the participant successfully completes the two-year program, they can permanently join the family lease and their exclusion disappears. Presently, NYCHA is examining the number of people the permanent exclusion affects with the possibility of revisiting the way that this policy is written. CSH’s Erin Burns-Maine says that this “is an unanticipated outcome of the pilot that has the potential to benefit many.”6

Earning applicants’ trust has been another challenge. “It took a significant public education effort by NYCHA and partners to increase our application numbers, as people with justice histories initially feared coming out of the shadows,”

says Burns-Maine. NYCHA, CSH, and others have conducted considerable outreach to persuade potential participants that they will not be penalized even if they are presently living off-lease (which violates NYCHA rules) and that the pilot is a safe way to return to their families’ leases.

1 Interview with Margaret diZerega, 25 April 2016.

2 Ibid.

3 Corporation for Supportive Housing. 2015. “Promoting Access to Safe, Stable Housing for All New Yorkers.”

4 Interview with Margaret diZerega.

5 Interview with Erin Burns-Maine, 26 April 2016.

6 Ibid.

The Need for

Schneider and Cartier both note that

owned and managed by BHA, such as

Supportive Services

transitional housing programs may yield

the Northern Lights program, which col-

Unlike Returning Home–Ohio,

better long-term results for some partici-

laborates with service providers to offer

BHA’s program does not include

pants than setting up a former offender

up to a year of housing and wraparound

supportive services. Cartier points to

with independent housing directly from

services to women leaving jail who are

the “gray area” that many of the men

prison.29 “It’s a lot to go from prison to

eligible for housing choice vouchers.

he works with fall into. Although

the community, to doing everyday life on

many have problems with alcohol or

your own, when you’ve been around a

Reconnecting Opportunity

need mental health services, he says,

lot of people telling you what you need

Youth: The Aspen Forum

they fail to qualify for additional sup-

to do every single hour of the day,” says

for Community Solutions

portive services. Yet, these problems

Schneider. This is particularly true, she

The Aspen Institute, an educational

are large enough to interfere with

says, of women with children exiting resi-

and policy studies organization based

participants’ capacity to sustain their

dential programs, who have benefited

in Washington, DC, created the Aspen

housing. With additional services,

from extra parenting support and guid-

Forum for Community Solutions and

Cartier explains, program partici-

ance. Among the successful transitional

Opportunity Youth Incentive Fund in

pants would be better positioned to

housing programs in the state, they point

2012 to support collaborative efforts

do so.28

to facilities run by nonprofits and ones

and collective impact strategies that

31

address community challenges and

To support this work with opportunity

Foundation, Denver’s population of

improve outcomes for opportunity

youth, the fund provided $13 million

opportunity youth is approximately

youth.30 Monique Miles, director of the

in 21 grants to collaborative groups

9,850, or 13.4 percent of the city’s 16

Opportunity Youth Incentive Fund and

nationwide, including K–12 educators,

to 24-year-olds. Demographically, they

deputy director of the Aspen Forum

community colleges, and nonprofits.32

resemble opportunity youth across the

for Community Solutions at the Aspen

Miles says that the ways they go about

country: they are disproportionately

Institute, says that this work has been

setting priorities, identifying problems,

black and Latino, nearly half (45.5%)

ongoing for decades at the grassroots

and designing solutions differ from

have been homeless at some point,

level. In recent years, however, the

community to community based on

nearly a third (31.8%) have a criminal

Obama administration’s focus on this

available resources, existing infrastruc-

record, and almost a quarter (22.7%)

population, along with new research

ture, and local needs. Despite these

are presently in foster care.34 Together,

that quantifies opportunity youth’s

differences, all of the collaboratives

Denver’s opportunity youth cost taxpay-

cost burden and their potential con-

focus on opportunity youth and empha-

ers approximately $500 million each

tribution to society, has provided the

size collective impact approaches.33

year in social services, welfare, spend-

“wind in the sails” needed to create

ing on health care and crime, and lost

the cross-sector, evidence-based strate-

Housing Former Foster

wages and diminished taxes.35 Being

gies that reconnect opportunity youth

Youth in Denver

disconnected from employment and

with employment and educational

In 2012, Rose Community Foundation,

education makes it difficult for these

opportunities, says Miles.31 Among the

a philanthropy based in Denver,

youth to sustain themselves and engage

initiatives that the fund supports are

received planning funding from the

in meaningful careers.

workforce programs that provide train-

Aspen Institute’s Opportunity Youth In-

ing for local jobs in growing industries

centive Fund to launch a collaborative,

The Denver collaborative is in its third

and General Educational Development

collective-impact approach to improve

year of receiving funds from the Aspen

programs designed to assist youth who

outcomes for opportunity youth in the

Institute, and the Denver Metro Cham-

have dropped out of school.

city. According to Rose Community

ber of Commerce has taken over from

Mile High United Way

Bridging the Gap participants tour the Auraria Campus, which is home to the Community College of Denver, Metropolitan State University of Denver, and University of Colorado Denver, to gain an understanding of what college life would be like and learn how to navigate the campus.

32

the Rose Community Foundation as

the backbone organization for the city’s

efforts.36 Although this collaborative

focuses specifically on workforce prepa-

ration and educational attainment,

housing instability can affect these

efforts as well. Lorena Zimmer, who

works with opportunity youth as the

talent pipeline director at the Denver

Metro Chamber of Commerce, recalls

a young woman who did not show up

to an interview because her housing

had changed abruptly, and she did not

have access to the professional clothes

she needed. Few of us are equipped to

handle such stresses, says Zimmer, who

notes that such instability can make

simply reporting to work difficult.37

Among the collaborative’ s housing-

specific efforts is the Mile High United

Way’s Bridging the Gap program, which

serves people older than 18 and under

22 who were in the child welfare system

after their 16th birthday and who are

either homeless or at imminent risk

of homelessness.38 Bridging the Gap

provides these young people a Fam-

ily Unification Program voucher that

funds 18 months of housing assistance

(see “Housing, Inclusion, and Public

Safety,” p. 1).

Minna Castillo Cohen, senior director

of community impact and investments

Mile High United Way

for Mile High United Way, explains

A participant in the Bridging the Gap program makes a deposit into her Individual Development Account, a matched savings account that participants can draw on to pay for housing or educational costs.

that the organization began adminis-

tering the vouchers in 2005 but soon

wheel” to independently identify the

caseworkers, homeless shelters, and

realized that participants needed more

goals that they wish to pursue.39 Among

self-referrals. They are assessed by staff

than financial support to maintain their

the most effective services that the pro-

and matched with a coach who works

housing. Bridging the Gap responded

gram partners with is the Nurse-Family

with them to develop a plan and

by implementing mentorship as a

Partnership, an evidence-based model in

design a “stepping-up tool” that outlines

cornerstone of its program. Today,

which nurses make home visits to women

a path toward self-sufficiency. This

independent living coaches work with

pregnant with their first child to improve

matrix guides both participants and their

participants — the program admin-

wellness of the mother and her baby. Ac-

coaches through the program. Bridg-

isters some 142 vouchers — to create

cording to Castillo Cohen, the Nurse-Family ing the Gap staffers check in with

individual plans for wellness, social con-

Partnership has been so successful that

participants monthly and conduct

nections, educational and employment

the program is considering developing a

surveys at 6, 12, and 18 months to assess

goals, and crisis management and help

mental health services program following

how prepared they are to leave the

them develop their own goals. For these

a similar model, in which therapists visit

program and whether they perceive

youth in particular, who have been part

young people at home, at the program

themselves as being ready to leave.

of systems and institutions that have

office, or in the community.40

Such formal data collection complements

dictated their actions for most of their

anecdotal feedback that the staff gather

lives, Castillo Cohen says that “[i]t’s

Participants come to Bridging the Gap from events such as holiday parties and

really important [that they] take the

through referrals from parole officers,

other community get-togethers.41

33

Castillo Cohen stresses the importance

As studies such as the Urban Institute’s

by HUD”; Interview with Katie Kitchin, 29 April 2016.

of allowing young people to assume

evaluation of RHO demonstrate, these

7 Interview with Tosha Crone, 10 May 2016.

responsibility for some of the work

programs model the utility and effec-

8 Interview with Katie Kitchin.

9

involved in applying to Bridging the

tiveness of collective impact. However,

Interview with Lavada Smith, 10 May 2016.

10 Ibid.

Gap and finding an apartment. When

additional longitudinal research is

11 Interview with Katie Kitchin.

a parole officer or caseworker handles

needed to further assess the programs’

12 Email correspondence with Tasha Crone, 29 June

all of the research, applications, and

efficacy and cost effectiveness over the

2016.

paperwork, participants are sometimes

long term — for example the degree to

13 Interview with Lavada Smith.

less successful “because they haven’t

which RHO mitigates long prison sen-

14 Interview with Katie Kitchin.

had an opportunity to make decisions

tences, which are very costly. Moreover,

15 Interview with Lavada Smith.

about where they would like to live or

current research has not captured the

16 Fontaine et al., 34–6.

17

understand how to apply for an apart-

intangible benefits these programs of-

Interview with Katie Kitchin.

18 Council of State Governments Justice Center.

ment — decisions that require practice

fer, such as enhanced quality of life for

“Vermont” (csgjusticecenter.org/jr/vt/). Accessed 3

and assist them in the skills they need

participants and their communities.

August 2016.

to be independent,” she says. And the

19 Council of State Governments Justice Center. “Justice

program demands independence: the

What is clear, however, is that providing

Reinvestment State Brief: Vermont” ; Council of State Governments Justice Center. “Vermont.”

vouchers do not permit recipients to

housing along with supportive services

20 Burlington Housing Authority. 2014. “Burlington

live with roommates, although signifi-

and case management allows organiza-

Housing Authority Offender Re-entry Housing Pro-

cant others are allowed. This requirement

tions from different sectors and with

gram Policy and Procedure Manual”; Interview with Rachel Schneider, 26 April 2016.

can be problematic because these

complementary expertise to focus their

21 Ibid.

young people often are not used to liv-

efforts and resources on improving

22 Interview with Rachel Schneider; Interview with Mike

ing by themselves, and they sometimes

outcomes for a single group. However,

Cartier, 28 April 2016.

feel scared or lonely on their own, she

that does not make such work easy, says

23 Interview with Rachel Schneider.

says. This natural desire for connection

Miles. Programs that cross multiple

24 Interview with Rachel Schneider; Interview with Mike

sometimes leads to trouble with land-

sectors and that (by necessity) involve

Cartier.

25 Interview with Mike Cartier.

lords when young people invite friends

many people require extensive train-

26 Center for Sex Offender Management. 2007. “Man-

to stay over in ways that violate their

ing and education. The New York City

aging the Challenges of Sex Offender Rentry, ” 10; lease agreement. Castillo Cohen also

Housing Authority’s new family reuni-

Council of State Governments Justice Center. 2016.

points to the value of social connec-

fication program, for example, entails

“Reentry Housing Options for Sex Offenders;” Kelly

M. Socia. 2011. “The policy implications of residence

tions — whether through a program, a

training many hundreds of property

restrictions on sex offender housing in Upstate NY,”

service, or some other kind of civic

managers. (See “New York City Hous-

Criminology & Public Policy 10:2, 351–89; J.C. Barnes.

2011. “Place a moratorium on the passage of sexof-

engagement — and the role that they

ing Authority’s Family Reentry Pilot

fender residence restriction laws,” Criminology & play in achieving successful outcomes for

Program,” p. 30.) Yet this type of collec-

Public Policy 10:2, 401–9.

participants. She notes that those with the

tive work is vital, Miles says, particularly

27 Interview with Rachel Schneider; Interview with Mike

“highest levels of engagement with their

for communities that have experi-

Cartier.

28

independent living coach do better.”

enced the most success in “moving the

Interview with Mike Cartier.

29 Interview with Rachel Schneider; Interview with Mike

needle” toward better outcomes for

Cartier.

Conclusion

opportunity youth.

30 Denver Opportunity Youth Investment DOYII. 2015.

Returning Home–Ohio, Burlington’s

“Year 1 Evaluation Report,” 3.

Offender Re-Entry Housing Program,

1 Justice Policy Institute. 2007. “Housing and Public

31 Interview with Monique Miles, 3 May 2016.

Safety.”

32

and Denver’s Bridging the Gap program

Melody Barnes. 2014. “Blog: Pathways to Aspen —

2 Kristen Lewis and Sarah Burd-Sharps. 2015. “Zero-

Melody Barnes and the AFCS Perspective, ” October all follow Housing First principles. The

ing In on Place and Race: Youth Disconnection in

22 Blog, Aspen Institute Forum for Community

programs provide stable housing as a

America’s Cities,” Measure of America of the Social Solutions; Aspen Institute Forum for Community So-Science Research Council, 7.

foundation for promoting social inclusion

lutions. “Partners” (www.aspencommunitysolutions.

3 Ohio Department of Rehabilitation and Correction.

org/the-fund/partners/). Accessed 3 August 2016.

and improving economic outcomes for

2016. “Population Count Sheets” ; Ohio Department 33

of Rehabilitation and Correction. 2014. “Prison Popu-

Interview with Monique Miles.

former offenders and opportunity youth.

lation Projections, 2015-2023” ; David J. Diroll. 2011.

34 Rose Community Foundation. 2014. “On-Ramps to

“We see a dramatic change to young

“Prison Crowding: The Long View, with Suggestions,”

Opportunity: Connecting Youth to Education, Work

Ohio Criminal Sentencing Commission, 1.

people once they’re housed,” says Den-

and Success,” 2.

4 American Civil Liberties Union of Ohio and Ohio

35 Denver Opportunity Youth Investment DOYII.

ver’s Castillo Cohen. In addition, those

Justice & Policy Center. 2016. “Looking Forward: A

36 Interview with Lorena Zimmer, 28 April 2016.

who work with former offenders and op-

Comprehensive Plan for Criminal Justice Reform in

Ohio,” 1.

37 Ibid.

portunity youth consistently point out the

5 Jocelyn Fontaine, Douglas Gilchrist-Scott, John Ro-

38 Interview with Minna Castillo Cohen, 6 May 2016.

importance of combining housing with

man, Samuel Taxy, and Caterina Roman. 2012. “Sup-

39 Ibid.

portive Housing for Returning Prisoners,” vi.

supportive services, which often empower

40

6 Corporation for Supportive Housing. 2014. “Great Re-

Interview with Minna Castillo Cohen.

participants to maintain their housing.

sults from Returning Home Ohio published in Cityscape

41 Ibid.

34

Additional Resources

n “Employment and disconnection among

Study” (2009), by Bill Geller and Lisa

Burd-Sharps, provides data on youth

teens and young adults: The role of

Belsky, explores community developer-

disconnection and advances rec-

place, race, and education” (2016), by

police collaboration in the Olneyvil e

ommendations for reconnecting

Martha Ross and Nicole Prchal Sva-

neighborhood of Providence, Rhode

youth, preventing disconnection,

jlenka, offers data and analysis examining

Island. The study describes several

and setting measurable targets for

youth employment and unemployment

positive public safety outcomes re-

reducing disconnection. ssrc-static.

rates, with a focus on youth who are

sulting from a sustained and concerted

s3.amazonaws.com/moa/MOA-

disconnected from employment and

collaborative effort to use community

Halve-the-Gap-ALL-10.25.13.pdf.

education. www.brookings.edu/

development to ameliorate crime

research/reports2/2016/05/24-teen-

hot spots.

n “Exploring the Ways Arts and Culture

young-adult-employment-reces-

www.olneyville.org/Geller-Belsky-

Intersect with Public Safety” (2016),

sion-ross-svajlenka#V0G0.

case-study.pdf.

by Caroline Ross, highlights multiple

pathways through which the arts

n “Vulnerable Youth: Employment and

n “It Takes a Village: Diversion Resources

influence public safety, including the

Job Training Programs” (2015), by

for Police and Families” (2016),

incorporation of arts in public place-

Adrienne L. Fernandes-Alcantara,

by Karen Tamis and Cymone Fuller,

making and arts programs for at-risk

reviews federal youth employment

examines alternatives to arrest and

youth. www.artplaceamerica.org/

initiatives, including some aimed spe-

incarceration responses to low-level

sites/default/files/public/pictures/

cifically at youth offenders.

problem behaviors such as skipping

artplace_field_scan_safety_ross_

www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R40929.pdf.

school or violating curfew and highlights

apr_2016.pdf.

several local examples.

n “Engaging Communities as Part-

www.vera.org/sites/default/files/

n “The High Budgetary Cost of Incar-

ners: Strategies for Problem Solving”

resources/downloads/it-takes-a-

ceration” (2010), by John Schmitt, Kris

(2014), of the Beyond Confrontation:

village-report.pdf.

Warner, and Sarika Gupta, highlights

Community-Centered Policing Tools

the rising rates of incarceration in

series by PolicyLink, outlines steps

n The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration

the United States and examines the

for successful community-police

in the Age of Colorblindness (2010),

causes and costs of incarceration.

collaboration as a basis for effective

by Michelle Alexander, investigates

www.cepr.net/documents/publica-

community-centered policing ap-

the racial disparities in incarceration

tions/incarceration-2010-06.pdf.

proaches. www.policylink.org/sites/

and criminal justice and their conse-

default/files/pl_police_commun%20

quences. newjimcrow.com/.

For additional resources archive, go to

engage_121714_c.pdf.

www.huduser.gov/portal/periodicals/

n “Halve the Gap by 2030: Youth

em/additional_resources_2016.html.

n “Building Our Way Out of Crime: The

Disconnection in America’s Cities”

Providence, Rhode Island, Case

(2013), by Kristen Lewis and Sarah

Evidence Matters

Discuss this issue on the

Evidence Matters Forum at

Rachelle Levitt: Editor

www.huduser.gov/forums.

Chase Sackett: Managing Editor

You can subscribe to

Evidence Matters at

Authors: Chase Sackett (Former HUD

staff) and Sage Computing staff

www.huduser.gov/

portal/evidence.html.

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